Monday, 1 July 2019

A Reader's Question

"A probation service in the North East of England has been commended for its strong leadership and the innovative way it supports individuals to move away from further offending... HM Inspectorate of Probation conducted a routine inspection of the North East Division of the NPS... Chief Inspector of Probation Justin Russell said: “Leaders in the North East Division of the NPS have a clear vision and strategy to deliver a quality service, and this has been communicated well to staff and key stakeholders."

However...

"... the Division is not always able to achieve this ambition because... There is a lack of qualified probation officers across England and Wales, and inspectors found... Restrictions to local recruitment have further hampered efforts to place newly qualified officers in the offices where they are most needed... The Division needs to take a more robust approach to risk management in order to keep potential and actual victims safe. In a third of inspected cases, the risk assessments did not contain enough information about who might be at risk of harm from the individual under supervision and the exact nature of that risk. For example, some assessments overlooked victims of previous offences.”

Please, Please, PLEASE can someone tell me how & why HMIP continue to praise "strong leadership" when they then clearly & explicitly identify that 30% or more of the work is shit, that people are left at risk & that there aren't enough staff to do the work because of local recruitment policies. HOW THE FUCK IS that commensurate with the alleged 'STRONG LEADERSHIP'?

It's Trumpism gone viral. It seems to be a contractual obligation that HMIP praise probation leaders, irrespective of the actualite. Maybe it's the quality of the lunches? The comfy-ness of the hotel rooms? The quantity of management speak that short-circuits the inspectors' objectivity? Or simply the cosy, rosy feelings brought on by familiar faces?

Anon

13 comments:

  1. Perhaps it is an instruction not to criticise leadership that is going anyway with the new restructuring. Just saying

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  2. Agree same with ksscrc strong leadership but needs improvement. Top heavy rather than strong.

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  3. I think the inspectorate are quite wise to praise the 'strong leadership' across the CRC estate. Not doing so would leave the door open for blame for all the failings to be attributed to those charged with delivering the broken model and not the model itself.
    I'd be inclined to accept the praise for strong leadership across the piste, (whether I believe it or not), and argue that despite all the evidence of strong leadership, the current model is so fundamentally flawed strong leadership is not having any real impact on service delivery.
    Despite having all the strong leadership, the model is still broken.

    'Getafix

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  4. https://www.bigissue.com/opinion/john-bird-power-is-money-spend-it-wisely/

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    1. That the leaders of political parties who win the right to form a government are getting their hands on is the power to spend. To choose, within the limitations of income and ideology, where our money goes. And money, as accumulated labour and wealth, and got from the tax-paying public, refreshes certain areas and is denied to others.

      The Conservative-Lib Dem Coalition’s “fiscal assault” (as it was put to me by one shire councillor) of local authorities robbed them of their ability to deliver essential services. It decimated our police. And generally, via the ideological grip of austerity, concentrated on “balancing the books”. Those MPs got their power and proceeded to spend niggardly, what you might call, the social wealth of the UK.

      The power to spend money gives the wielder enormous power of patronage, favour and office. And when it’s driven by a belief in the efficacy of their policies – part-privatising the probation service, for instance – then even examples of patent failure can take a long time to sink in.

      Why? Because the ideology that allows them to trot on to the stage of history and bang on about their policy visions aren’t measured, assayed or audited by their success. The idea in the head of government, if you can imagine as simply as that, will not be budged until disaster (as in the case of the backfiring probation experiment) becomes undeniable. Of course, if governments weren’t following an ideological or philosophical belief in this, that or the other, they might encounter and acknowledge mistakes much earlier.

      But it is the power of spending money that governments covet more than anything. It is the throwing out of the pet projects, pilots and initiatives of earlier administrations; viz the trampling of Sure Starts, centres that were a good bit of welcome thinking if there ever was one. And the replacing of it with precious little.

      Thatcher’s imitation of America, where they closed their mental institutions, was ideologically driven. It didn’t matter that the streets filled up and the prisons did too, soon after. It was the power to spend on an ideological grand scale. ‘Care in the Community’ didn’t replace the mental institutions in Maggie’s vast ‘deinstitutionalised’ spring clean, but that was the ideological excuse.

      It’s for this reason, as I mentioned in a debate I led in the Lords last week, that we need to spread Wales’ Future Generations Act to the other regions of the UK. Wales leads the way in the long term, sustainable, preventative policymaking; and I’m calling for the other parts of the country to introduce a Future Generations Act to tackle climate change, poverty and inequalities of education, health and social spending.

      Imagine if we’d had a Future Generations Act that required the Thatcher government look at, and account for, what the closure of the mental health institutions would do to our wellbeing; and to the wellbeing of people in dire need.

      Government thinking and spending has to move away from the concept of the personal fiefdom of the new leader and their cabal of similarly minded ideologues. Whatever kind of Tory we get running the next stage of our political crisis – Johnson or Hunt – they’ll need more than their ham-fisted prejudices and ideological claptrap to get us through the difficult times ahead.

      There has to be a higher authority in spending power, and I think that authority has to be Tomorrow. It has to be about making sure that we’re looking out for ourselves in old age, for our children in their maturity, and for our unborn’s cradle of opportunities.

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    2. A Future Generations Act, if enacted, would limit the silly, ideological dreams of puffed-up grandees who’ve assiduously absorbed the patina of civilisation that’s handed out through the elite schools and Oxbridge. A Future Generations Act would bring us all into the equation of political involvement because it would raise issues around how local democracy involves people in local decisions. It would continuously refine what the present should be in the future; and not simply allow the ship of state to blunder from one ideological argy-bargy to the next.

      'We can and must do much more with our politics. But it has to be done with the leadership and engagement of local communities

      Medievalism lurks in every governmental corridor, ready to pounce and make us subservient to the next ideologue who believes there’s only “one way”, and that happens to be “their way”.

      I see the idea of imitating Wales’ Well-being of Future Generations Act (that I’m trying to have brought to the rest of the UK) as the beginning of a new engagement with politics for everyone. No longer the politics of some centralised imagination who, for a period of their time on earth whilst in office, will experiment with our money, time and energies. Only to then shuffle off in disgrace, well-pensioned and able to earn a sizeable fortune from the lecture circuits, consultancies and think-tanks of the world.

      We can and must do much more with our politics. But it has to be done with the leadership and engagement of local communities, working with those centrally. We have to try and win control of the power to spend. It cannot be left to the small club of insiders who, for too long, have lived a small club life from the sofas of Whitehall.

      A Future Generations Act will address many of the questions over the power and privilege about how, as a country, we think, plan and budget for the future. And importantly, about how we’ll move away from the foolish, ideological and thoughtless reality of so many recent governmental cracks of the whip.

      John Bird is the founder and Editor in Chief of The Big Issue.

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    3. Welsh Labour Government. Thank the heavens for that (speaking from Wales).

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  5. little bird tells me that the IT problems in NPS are down to managers obsessively running performance reports on a daily basis. Leadership my *rs*

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  6. I keep getting told I haven’t logged into Equip.
    Surely it’s bloody obvious that if I don’t use it, it is not suitable for my needs.
    They still haven’t learned that no policy or procedure can apply nationally in probation.
    What works in Devon won’t always work in Essex!

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    1. More money spent to make things even better for everyone.....

      https://www.propertyfundsworld.com/2019/07/01/276949/cw-secures-national-mandate-uk%E2%80%99s-ministry-justice-estates-directorate

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    2. "The contract will be managed by Cushman & Wakefield primarily through its Global Occupier Services (GOS) and Public Sector Advisory Team service lines. The firm will manage the entire Ministry of Justice Cluster portfolio "...
      GLOBAL OCCUPIER SERVICES? Crikey, sinister. The name has been coined to appeal to someone, and it isnt me.

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    3. The Ministry of Justice Estates Directorate has appointed Cushman & Wakefield to provide national Estates Professional Services in the UK.

      The MoJ Estates Directorate manages a large ‘Estates Cluster’, comprising approximately 2,250 properties across the UK held by multiple governmental organisations, encompassing the Home Office and MoJ, including Her Majesty’s Courts & Tribunals Service and Her Majesty’s Prison and Probation Service. The cluster accounts for a significant proportion of the government’s civil service estate.

      Cushman & Wakefield’s appointment follows a competitive tender process run under the Crown Commercial Services’ Estates Professional Services framework RM3816.

      The objective of the Estates Professional Services contract is to provide a fit-for-purpose, legally compliant and well-maintained estate, through leading strategic asset management planning. Efficient data-gathering and management will sit at the heart of culture and business processes.

      The contract will be managed by Cushman & Wakefield primarily through its Global Occupier Services (GOS) and Public Sector Advisory Team service lines. The firm will manage the entire Ministry of Justice Cluster portfolio (including acquisitions, disposals, lease renewals, rent reviews and liaison with landlords) and intra-government and wider public sector occupancy agreements, including managing and collecting payments for rents, rates, insurances and service charges.

      Richard Golding, Head of GOS UK, Cushman & Wakefield, says: “We are delighted to have been appointed to support MoJ Estates Directorate at this exciting time of estate transformation for the cluster. Our teams have a long track record of partnering with the public sector to deliver efficient, sustainable and fit-for-purpose property, securing value for money for the public purse. We are extremely proud to be the leading provider of estates services to central government, also supporting the Department for Work & Pensions and HM Revenue & Customs.”

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  7. Thank you John Bird (Big Issue) for articulating this & big thanks to anon@14:09 for finding & highlighting the article. This is as close to an answer as I could have wished for in the current climate:

    "Because the ideology that allows them to trot on to the stage of history and bang on about their policy visions aren’t measured, assayed or audited by their success...

    ... Thatcher’s imitation of America, where they closed their mental institutions, was ideologically driven. It didn’t matter that the streets filled up and the prisons did too, soon after. It was the power to spend on an ideological grand scale. ‘Care in the Community’ didn’t replace the mental institutions in Maggie’s vast ‘deinstitutionalised’ spring clean, but that was the ideological excuse...

    ... Imagine if we’d had a Future Generations Act that required the Thatcher government look at, and account for, what the closure of the mental health institutions would do to our wellbeing; and to the wellbeing of people in dire need."

    Thanks, Anon wot asked the question.

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