Sunday 26 April 2020

Inspiration

Now we've settled into a world of lockdown and made suitable adjustments to many aspects of life, it's becoming a bit of a challenge deciding how to fill the pages and indeed what there might be an appetite to discuss. The prison release saga, PPE, TR2, workload, morale, training, IT, Shared Services, pay and conditions etc have all been 'done to death' and seem somewhat sterile, especially in the current situation. 

I still live in hope of more imaginative and incisive guest blogs emerging, but in the mean time I'd like to remind ourselves of a figure from our heyday, not least in the hope it might serve to inspire newer recruits lest they accept without question the further drift towards civil service bureaucratisation. The following is contained in the current edition of the Probation Journal.           

In memory of Paul Senior 

Paul Senior, who died on 22nd June 2019, was born in Barnsley in 1952, moved with his family to Suffolk, where he did his secondary schooling, returning to Yorkshire as a student at the University of York in 1971, and remaining in the county for the rest of his career. He had initially intended to become a secondary school history teacher, but decided against this, moving via volunteer youth work into social work, and gaining his Certificate of Qualification in Social Work (CQSW) between 1975 and 1977. Some of the thinkers he encountered in teacher training, not only practical educators like AS Neil and Maria Montessori but also Karl Marx, Antonio Gramsci, George Orwell, Ivan Illich, and Paulo Freire, were lasting influences on his multifaceted career in and around the probation service. Gramsci and Freire, in particular, were socialist intellectuals for whom producing knowledge was always about serving the political and practical interests of disadvantaged people and critically supporting the efforts of those who worked with and for them. They informed the outlook that Paul used to appraise and judge probation practice and probation training and, later, probation policymaking. He consistently understood that the probation ideal, like the National Health Service (NHS) ideal, had devious political enemies hell-bent on obliterating it, and that canny political action was as – often more – important as rational argument and empirical evidence in upholding and extending it.

Paul worked as a front-line probation officer in the South Yorkshire probation service for six years, and conceded that his ‘intellectual curiosity was not always seen as helpful by my colleagues’. Temperamentally combative, and always politically astute, he was a natural activist within National Association of Probation Officers (NAPO) – particularly its radical Action Group: he spoke regularly at its conferences and spent eight years on its Probation Practice Committee, producing ‘a huge number of policy papers whilst we were still at the strategic table with the Home Office’. Furious debates on the future of the probation service, some with a socialist inflection, occurred within and without it in the late 1970s and early 1980s. There was no consensus on the theories that could or should inform practice, or on the acceptable level of official restraints on the service’s professional autonomy.

In 1982, Paul became a senior probation officer (training) in South Yorkshire probation service and a senior lecturer in Sheffield Polytechnic (as Sheffield Hallam University then was), a demanding joint appointment which he fashioned into a position of considerable influence, locally and nationally. He served as the probation columnist in the magazine Social Work Today and published his first article in the Probation Journal in 1984, the beginning of a steady stream of articles and book chapters that lasted to the end of his career, eventually augmented by blogging and tweeting. He enjoyed some deep conversations with Bill McWilliams, then a pioneering research officer in the Sheffield probation service: generations apart politically, he and Bill were nonetheless kindred spirits in their intellectual passion for probation. In post, he worked locally with students, practitioners, and managers on the changes entailed by ever more frequent criminal justice legislation and policy directives and, later on, on the creation of post-qualifying training arrangements in the South Yorkshire and Northeast Midlands region. As a member of Central Council for Education and Training in Social Work (CCETSW) Council (1986–1989) he cautiously championed the development of distinct Probation Streams on a new generic social work qualification; he and others hoped at the time that this concession to specialised probation interests would dampen Home Office inclinations to split probation training from social work. For a while, at least, it did.

The eponymously named Jarvis, the venerable and prestigious probation practice manual which no post-war probation desk would have been without is not much remembered now (and only geeks of a certain generation will have noticed that Marvel superhero Iron Man has a ‘digital assistant’ called Jarvis who also, as it happens, knows everything he needs to know). It says much about Paul’s accumulating prestige in 1992 that, along with a Sheffield colleague, Alan Sanders, he was commissioned to create an updated fifth edition of it. Given the accelerating pace of legislative and policy change in the 1990s, only a loose-leaf volume, or even an online version, to which constant alterations could be made, would have been a viable replacement for the compact book it had originally been, each edition of it assured of a reasonable shelf life in less frenetic times. Plans for a fifth edition foundered when the Home Office, mindful, no doubt, of the way Jarvis epitomised the service’s control over its own mission and knowledge base, deemed its continued production unnecessary.

Ever the happy warrior, Paul was never too daunted by the tightening of Home Office control over the service, never without a move to make. His insouciance served him well when, during a period of freelance consulting (1994–1998, although still with ties to Sheffield Hallam), he won the contract to devise a new qualifying framework for probation training, which the Home Office had finally placed outwith social work, while retaining it in higher education. Many of his peers in probation training saw this as a retrograde development, a poisoned chalice, not to be colluded with. Paul was not happy with it either but, reasonably enough, feared something worse if a confident probation insider like himself did not try to shape it. The resulting Diploma in Probation Studies (DIPS), a two-year degree with a professional National Vocational Qualification (NVQ) attached, was not to everyone’s taste – master’s level training courses were abandoned, agencies (notionally) had too much control over the academic curriculum. Nonetheless it is generally agreed now that within New Labour’s very tight political parameters Paul salvaged far more space for informed reflection on theory and practice than diehard supporters of a social work connection had thought possible.

Of all his achievements, this was perhaps his most consequential. In practice, the nine original DIPS courses did deliver better, more focused and often more critically criminological training than most generic social work courses had had time or inclination to do. True, the model was short-lived, barely lasting a decade, losing out in the step-by-step dismantling of professionalised probation to an agency-based vocational training with minimal academic input, but it is almost certain that an unreflective vocationalism would have prevailed much sooner if Paul had not engaged so shrewdly with the Home Office, and pushed at the limits of what New Labour were prepared to permit.

Sheffield Hallam appointed Paul Professor of Probation Studies – the first chair with this name – in 1996 and he returned there full-time in 1998, to develop a suite of criminology courses and to coordinate criminological research, always, in his case, with a view to serving the interests of the probation service and its practitioners, but now within the broader field of ‘community justice’ (a useful term he was among the first to use in Britain). A former colleague, Kevin Wong, now Reader at Manchester Metropolitan University, sums up the significance of what was achieved in this period.

Paul’s drive, energy and imagination put Sheffield Hallam University on the criminal justice map. He established the Criminology subject group which went on to become the Department of Community Justice and Criminology. He won the first Probation training contract for the university, which Sheffield Hallam has continued to deliver to this day. He established the Hallam Centre for Community Justice in 2003 and was its Director until his retirement in April 2016. At its busiest, the Centre had eight full-time staff and also drew in departmental colleagues. Under Paul’s leadership, the Centre made significant UK policy contributions, evaluating important justice innovations: the South West Accommodation Gateway; Integrated Offender Management; and Intensive Alternatives to Custody. Cementing the centre’s national reputation, in one year, by a whisker, the centre just missed out on securing £1m worth of research income, something Paul was always hopeful of rectifying one day.

These developments were augmented by the creation in 2002 of the Community Justice Portal, an online information exchange for the sector, and the inauguration of an annual Community Justice lecture, the first of which was given by Sir Martin Narey, progressive Director General of the Prison Service and alumnus of Sheffield Polytechnic. The British Journal of Community Justice, which Paul launched jointly with De Montfort University in 2002, with the late Brian Williams and himself as co-editors, brought together theorists, practitioners, and researchers to engage in critical reflection. Paul and Brian persuaded anybody and everybody with a stake in community justice to write for it, from senior civil servants to probation trainees and ex-offenders, and their own editorials were invariably astute and timely comments on the current turn of events. While making clear there was no case in evidence or principle for privatising probation, Paul’s Bill McWilliams Memorial Lecture in 2013 was nonetheless kinder about its prospects and possibilities than his peers might have wished. This testifies, I think, not to an unholy compromise with commerce but to a temperamentally stubborn hope that the old probation ideal could never be entirely extinguished, no matter the institutional setting. And catastrophic as privatisation has largely been, it wasn’t.

Some of the contracts and consultancies undertaken by the Hallam Centre came from abroad – Europe, Singapore, New Zealand, and Hong Kong, giving Paul’s career a new, international dimension. Between 2006 and 2015, he had a working relationship with City University of Hong Kong, flying out three times a year to teach a packed schedule of social policy and criminal justice modules on several undergraduate and postgraduate courses, invariably staying in the Eaton Hotel on Nathan Road, where he felt well looked after. He encountered 1500 students over this period, and regularly participated in graduation ceremonies. Unsurprisingly, he also formed good relationships with Hong Kong’s probation, welfare, and correctional services; heads of NGOs; and judges and magistrates, frequently running training workshops and trading ideas over informal lunches and dinners. He would have liked university support for a Doctoral Degree in Criminal Justice to extend the education of existing practitioners, but that was not to be. He was much appreciated by students and colleagues in Hong Kong as a teacher and mentor but is also remembered as a connoisseur of Chinese dim sum, and could, say former colleagues, have become ‘a tourist guide to Hong Kong’s wonderful restaurants’.

In a professional-autobiographical essay he wrote towards the end of his career, it is clear Paul had no serious regrets beyond the one common to all his peers and co-contributors to the Politics and Probation book in which the essay appeared: those of us who began in probation and youth justice in the 1970s did so with a spirit-of-the-times optimism that never anticipated the scale on which our hopes, after 1989, would be dashed. Paul was arguably sharper than most in understanding that a Gramscian ‘war of position’ in civil society (to defend probation and its place in the post-war welfare state) was a better strategy than direct attacks, from a position of weakness, on a hegemonic opponent, and if even he underestimated how effectively neoliberalism would co-opt and deplete opposition, well, there were more who were far more naive. With good reason, he personally never felt defeated: he had firm moral-political principles, and he knew what he was doing, right to the end, in his post-retirement work for the Probation Institute.

Passionate as he was about probation, this was not all there was to him. For all he had a work rate that made indefatigable seem like a weak adjective, Paul also had a hinterland in which he was liked, loved, and admired for quite different reasons – a successful single parent; a stoic and sardonic bearer of protracted illness; a spiky and competitive friend; a bit of a gourmet chef; and a committed if erratic cricketer, even finding time to write a commemorative history of Tickhill Cricket Club:150 not out, the South Yorkshire club where his wake was held earlier in July last year. It was abundantly clear there that a lot of people had been very proud to know him, and if Gramsci and Freire could have made it, they would have been too.

I am grateful to Dr Kevin Wong, Paul’s former colleague and the current co-editor, with Jean Hine, of the British Journal of Community Justice, for assistance with this obituary.


Mike Nellis
Emeritus Professor of Criminal and Community Justice
University of Strathclyde, UK

13 comments:

  1. There is also the reported NPS apology for Nicholas Churton's death in 2016 - news of which I missed before. Daily Post - Wrexham area - I do not have the "bottle" to read up on another - I note the Sunday release of the news - it will probably not be linked to Lord McNally and Simon Hughes and Michael Gove and the rest of the shower who thought they knew netter what probation is about than folks who have actually done the job.

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  2. When will the Merseyside CRC HMIP inspection findings be released? I'm sure senior management had preliminary findings shared with them several weeks ago and my manager has not said a word? Inspection was in Feb so i'd have thought by now we may have heard something.

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    1. Go to their website & ask HMI Probation.

      Their most recent reports are as follows:

      * An inspection of South Yorkshire Community Rehabilitation Company - Inspectors have praised a South Yorkshire probation service for making positive progress over the past year.

      * An inspection of Durham Tees Valley Community Rehabilitation Company - A probation service in the North East has improved its overall performance and is excellent in parts, according to inspectors.

      * An inspection of youth offending services in Nottingham City - A Nottingham organisation that works with troubled children and young people requires improvement, according to inspectors.

      * An inspection of West Yorkshire Community Rehabilitation Company - A West Yorkshire probation service must take urgent action to address staffing levels and training, according to inspectors.

      * An inspection of Staffordshire and West Midlands Community Rehabilitation Company - A West Midlands probation service must improve the quality of its public protection work, according to inspectors.

      * An inspection of Derbyshire, Leicestershire, Nottinghamshire and Rutland Community Rehabilitation Company - A probation service in the East Midlands must improve the quality of its work to better protect the public, according to inspectors.

      * A joint thematic inspection of Integrated Offender Management - A programme originally set up to tackle persistent offenders has “lost its way” and better leadership is needed.

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  3. I see the Sunday Times has responded to the official rebuttal of their damning article from last week about Boris Johnson:-

    Coronavirus: how the government tried to dismiss Sunday Times investigation

    Senior scientists, a former civil service chief and Tory ex-ministers criticise the official response to our report

    The government’s defence of Boris Johnson over his failure to attend five successive meetings of the Cobra national crisis committee on the coronavirus has been dismissed by former Whitehall officials and senior politicians.

    A former head of the civil service, three Conservative ex-ministers and a former Downing Street chief of staff said it was usual for the prime minister to attend Cobra if he was in easy reach of London.

    They spoke out after the government issued a 14-point response in a 2,100-word blog to The Sunday Times’s account of the five weeks from late January, detailing how government inaction compromised attempts to tackle the virus.

    The government’s most senior ministers — including Dominic Raab, Michael Gove and Matt Hancock — leapt to the prime..

    paywall

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    1. There is a lot of it - I have not read it all.

      © Times Newspapers Limited 2020

      https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/coronavirus-kremlinesque-how-the-government-tried-to-dismiss-sunday-times-report-bt9dpjmjf

      ========================

      The government’s most senior ministers — including Dominic Raab, Michael Gove and Matt Hancock — leapt to the prime minister’s defence and tweeted copies of the blog, which claimed that the Insight team’s report contained a “series of falsehoods and errors”.
      Gove, the Cabinet Office minister, said on the BBC last week that “most Cobra meetings don’t have the prime minister attending them”.
      The government’s spin doctors were accused of misrepresentation by a doctor and a scientist who were quoted in the official response as suggesting that the severity of the threat from the coronavirus was not fully appreciated when Johnson missed the first Cobra meeting.
      The doctor, Richard Horton, editor of the medical journal The Lancet, accused the government of “Kremlinesque” manipulation of his words.
      The scientist, Martin Hibberd, professor of emerging infectious disease at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, said the government’s response used his words out of context, cutting out a sentence calling for urgent action to gather evidence in preparation for a possible pandemic.
      The Sunday Times article revealed that Johnson did not attend his first Cobra meeting on the virus until March 2. He skipped the January and February Cobra meetings despite being in Westminster on four of the days that they were held and an hour’s drive away in Kent on the other.
      An analysis of more than 40 Cobra meetings on major emergencies that have been published in the decade since the Conservatives came to power shows that prime ministers usually chaired them — unless they were too far away from London to get to the committee on time. Only three were chaired by a secretary of state when the prime minister was in Westminster.
      Lord Kerslake, the head of the civil service between 2012 and 2014, said the prime minister typically chaired three-quarters of the Cobra meetings and the main reason for non-attendance was that they were away from London.
      He said: “[Cobra] is there for a national emergency and you don’t call it unless there’s something pretty serious. And if there’s something pretty serious, you would expect the prime minister to chair it.”
      His views were supported by three Conservative former ministers who were familiar with the workings of Cobra and by Jonathan Powell, Downing Street chief of staff under Tony Blair, who said he was not aware of an occasion when Blair had missed a Cobra meeting while he was at Westminster.
      Powell said: “It’s not impossible for the prime minister to miss Cobra meetings if something is happening in the world that’s more important or he’s out of the country. But the point of missing five is it’s a sign that we’re not taking the problem seriously enough.”

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    2. In Johnson’s defence, the government’s “blog” gave three examples of times when a minister had chaired Cobra instead of the prime minister over the past 11 years. In two of these examples, it has emerged that the prime minister was unable to attend because he was abroad. One occasion was when Gordon Brown was in Poland — and yet he still phoned in to take part in Cobra. The other was when Johnson’s plane had just touched down in New York.
      The third example given by the government said Gove chaired Cobra over preparations for a no-deal Brexit. This meeting had never previously been acknowledged in public and this weekend Downing Street declined to say when it took place.
      Yesterday, Downing Street responded to our inquiries by sending a short paragraph taken from the 2011 cabinet manual, which states: “In general the chair [of Cobra] will be taken by the secretary of state of the government department with lead responsibility for the particular issue being considered.”
      However, a 2013 government document gives a fuller description of Cobra’s role. It says Cobra is mostly convened for “level 2” international emergencies — using the example of the swine flu threat — and says these meetings are controlled by the “Strategy Group”, which is chaired by the prime minister, home secretary or foreign secretary.
      Kerslake said it was customary for the prime minister to chair the strategy group.
      “Under the emergency planning guidance you would expect the prime minister to attend Cobra over the coronavirus crisis because it is clearly at least a level 2 emergency. Given its seriousness, I would be surprised if it was classified [as] any different from this.”
      Here we reproduce each section of the government’s statement and The Sunday Times’s replies.
      ● Government statement:
      Claim [by The Sunday Times] – On the third Friday in January Coronavirus was already spreading around the world but the government ‘brushed aside’ the threat in an hour-long COBR meeting and said the risk to the UK public was ‘low’.
      Response [by the government] – At a very basic level, this is wrong. The meeting was on the fourth Friday in January. The article also misrepresents the Government’s awareness of Covid 19, and the action we took before this point. Health Secretary Matt Hancock was first alerted to Covid 19 on 3 January and spoke to Departmental officials on 6th Jan before receiving written advice from the UK Health Security Team.
      He brought the issue to the attention of the Prime Minister and they discussed Covid 19 on 7 January. The government’s scientific advisory groups started to meet in mid-January and Mr Hancock instituted daily coronavirus meetings. He updated Parliament as soon as possible, on January 23rd.
      The risk level was set to “Low” because at the time our scientific advice was that the risk level to the UK public at that point was low. The first UK case was not until 31 January. The specific meaning of “public health risk” refers to the risk there is to the public at precisely that point. The risk was also higher than it had been before — two days earlier it had been increased “Very Low” to “Low” in line with clinical guidance from the Chief Medical Officer.
      The WHO did not formally declare that coronavirus was a Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC) until 30 January, and only characterised it as a global pandemic more than a month later, on 11 March. The UK was taking action and working to improve its preparedness from early January.
      Sunday Times reply:
      It was indeed the fourth Friday in January, but the date (January 24) was correct. We regret the error. The article does not misrepresent “the government’s awareness of Covid-19” before January 24. The article begins its narrative on January 24 and does not comment on what actions were taken before that date. The rest of this section challenges nothing that was reported in the article.

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    3. ● Government statement:
      Claim [by The Sunday Times] –‘This was despite the publication that day of an alarming study by Chinese doctors in the medical journal The Lancet. It assessed the lethal potential of the virus, for the first time suggesting it was comparable to the 1918 Spanish flu pandemic, which killed up to 50 million people.’
      Response [by the government] – The editor of the Lancet, on exactly the same day – 24 January - called for “caution” and accused the media of ‘escalating anxiety by talking of a ‘killer virus’ and ‘growing fears’. He wrote: ‘In truth, from what we currently know, 2019-nCoV has moderate transmissibility and relatively low pathogenicity. There is no reason to foster panic with exaggerated language.’ The Sunday Times is suggesting that there was a scientific consensus around the fact that this was going to be a pandemic – that is plainly untrue.
      https://twitter.com/richardhorton1/status/1220606842449072128?s=19
      Sunday Times reply:
      This is misrepresentation. Mr Horton issued his tweet at 7.18am and the alarming new Chinese study came in later the same day and was published straight away by The Lancet, which is confirmed by a tweet by Mr Horton at 3.05pm. Next day Mr Horton tweeted: “The challenge of 2019-nCoV is not only the public health response. It is clinical capacity. A third of patients so far have required admission to ICU. 29% developed ARDS. Few countries have the clinical capacity to handle this volume of acutely ill patients. Yet no discussion.” Two months later (March 27), Mr Horton said on BBC Question Time: “Honestly, sorry to say this, but it’s a national scandal. We shouldn’t be in this position. We knew in the last week of January that this was coming. The message from China was absolutely clear that a new virus with pandemic potential was hitting cities. People were being admitted to hospital, admitted to intensive care units and dying and the mortality was growing. We knew that 11 weeks ago, and then we wasted February when we could have acted. Time when we could have ramped up testing time when we could have got personal protective equipment ready and disseminated. We didn’t do it.”
      After the government cited Horton in its statement on Sunday night, Mr Horton tweeted on Monday: “Just for the record: the UK government is deliberately rewriting history in its ongoing COVID-19 disinformation campaign. My Jan 24 tweet called for caution in UK media reporting. It was followed by a series of tweets drawing attention to the dangers of this new disease.” On Tuesday Mr Horton told The Sunday Times that the government’s use of his tweet in their response to the article was “redolent of Kremlin-esque manipulation of evidence”. He added: “I find it very funny that Matt Hancock was asked a question about disinformation and he said, ‘we take it very seriously and we need to correct disinformation’. They really are scared that the verdict of history is going to condemn them for contributing to the deaths of tens of thousands of British citizens. And because they know they wasted a minimum of five weeks through February and early March they are desperately trying to rewrite the timeline of what happened. And we must not let them do that.”

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    4. ● Government statement:
      Claim [by The Sunday Times] – It was unusual for the Prime Minister to be absent from COBR and is normally chaired by the Prime Minister.
      Response [by the government] – This is wrong. It is entirely normal and proper for COBR to be chaired by the relevant Secretary of State. Then Health Secretary Alan Johnson chaired COBR in 2009 during H1N1. Michael Gove chaired COBR as part of No Deal planning. Transport Secretary Grant Shapps chaired COBR during the collapse of Thomas Cook. Mr Hancock was in constant communication with the PM throughout this period.
      At this point the World Health Organisation had not declared COVID19 a ‘Public Health Emergency of International Concern’, and only did so only 30 January. Indeed, they chose not to declare a PHEIC the day after the COBR meeting.
      Examples of scientific commentary from the time:
      Prof Martin Hibberd, Professor of Emerging Infectious Disease, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, said:
      “This announcement is not surprising as more evidence may be needed to make the case of announcing a PHEIC. WHO were criticised after announcing the pandemic strain of novel H1N1_2009, when the virus was eventually realised to have similar characteristics to seasonal influenza and is perhaps trying to avoid making the same mistake here with this novel coronavirus. To estimate the true severity of this new disease requires identifying mild or asymptomatic cases, if there are any, while determining the human to human transmission rate might require more evidence.”
      Dr Adam Kamradt-Scott, Senior Lecturer in International Security Studies, University of Sydney, said: “Based on the information we have to date, the WHO Director-General’s decision to not declare a Public Health Emergency of International Concern is not especially surprising. While we have seen international spread of the virus, which is one of the criteria for declaring a PHEIC, the cases in those countries do not appear to have seeded further local outbreaks. If that was to start to occur, it would constitute a greater concern but at the moment the outbreak is largely contained within China.”
      Sunday Times reply:
      It is unusual for the prime minister not to chair Cobra, although, at times, ministers can stand in for the prime minister, especially when he or she is away. Boris Johnson was in Westminster for four of the five Cobra meetings and was a one-hour drive away in Kent for the other, yet he did not attend any of them. Alan Johnson chaired a meeting of Cobra during H1N1 because Gordon Brown, the prime minister, was in Poland (and phoned in from there). Mr Shapps chaired the Thomas Cook Cobra because Boris Johnson was in New York. Mr Gove chaired a daily “operations committee” known as XO in the Cabinet Office’s Cobra room while in charge of no-deal planning in 2019, but these were not Cobra meetings.

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  4. My knowledge of computers and software is located somewhere in the stoneage. But I did read recently that that a lot of software being used in the CJS operates on Windows 10.
    I happened on this article reading the papers this morning about some serious problems with the most recent Windows 10 update.

    https://www.google.com/amp/s/www.express.co.uk/life-style/science-technology/1273596/Windows-10-update-deletes-files-bricks-PCs-Microsoft/amp

    It may be of no consequence at at all, I really don't know. But if has no real detrimental impact on the CJS as a whole, it might be a useful bit of knowledge for some on a domestic level when thinking about applying the update to their personal systems.

    'Getafix

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  5. Wonder what inspires these fuckwits?

    "POLICE are continuing to catch out day-trippers willing to flout the coronavirus lockdown rules by coming to the Lake District.

    In a tweet today, Cumbria Roads Police said: "First hour's patrol today saw 12 vehicles from as far away as Manchester, Liverpool and Preston, all out for some Lake District fresh air."

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    1. "SOME people are still blatantly ignoring the government's advice designed to slow the spread of coronavirus in Cumbria - including one Manchester family who thought it was a good idea to drive to the Lake District for a short walk.

      Cumbrian traffic police officers summarised what happened in a tweet.

      It said: "Today a family thought it was a good idea to travel from Manchester to Keswick for a half hour walk admiring the views. Not reasonable or acceptable and certainly not helping. The views will still be here when it's safe."

      The people involved were issued with a fine and sent home."

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    2. I'll just park even more fuckwittery here for the record:

      "Ten people from London who travelled 245 miles to go walking in North Wales were sent home and reported by police for breaking lockdown rules.

      The group, travelling in two separate vehicles, had travelled the five-hour journey from the capital earlier on Sunday.

      In a second incident dealt with by police, staff from a hotel challenged a man from Cumbria seen returning to his car after he had walked up Mount Snowdon.

      He was abusive when challenged, claiming the regulations did not apply to him.

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    3. "How sweet it is, to be an idiot..."

      People are "blatantly ignoring" lockdown rules by visiting beauty spots and no longer staying at home, police have said.

      North Yorkshire Police issued 61 fines over the weekend to people travelling to the area from West Yorkshire, Lancashire, Cumbria and Kent.

      Day-trippers to the Yorkshire Dales accounted for the majority of fines.

      The force said people should not be trying to find "loopholes" to justify having a day out.

      Seventeen fines were issued in Malham, with 13 written in an hour, police said.

      One officer posted on Facebook about her experience at Malham Cove over the weekend.

      "Politely engaging with folk to go back to where they came from (Kent, Barnsley, Bradford, Dewsbury, Accrington) their sense of entitlement kicked in, and I endured more abuse than I ever have dealing with drunken idiots outside nightclubs," she wrote.

      She said one group had spat on the ground in front of her, another man had hurled abuse at her in front of his children, and she had to break-up one group who decided to have a barbecue on parched ground at the top of Malham Cove.

      North Yorkshire Police said 31 fines were issued on Saturday and 30 on Sunday.

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