--oo00oo--Phillips (2010) considers the institutional values that probation staff have to work to, and
taking into account the past experiences and drivers for staff joining the profession, he
argues that such values cannot be imposed on staff from management down, but are
internal. Mawby and Worrall (2009) echo this after interviewing probation staff who went
through the creation of NOMS. Staff were very concerned about higher management
being prison staff who, they perceived, had no idea what the values and working ethos of
probation were, instead seeing the prison ethos as inherently punitive. Even when faced
with more stringent values of control and punishment implemented by NOMS, probation
professionals resisted this because they saw their professional role as more supportive than
punishing (Mawby and Worrall, 2009; Clare, 2015). For some, then, the internal values and
ethical drivers underpin their sense of professional identity as they seek out altruistic and
service-based vocations.
Professional identity as measured by performance and ability
For other writers, the performance required to complete a professional role, and the level
of competence and skill to do this effectively are vital to the sense of professional identity
(Riddle, 2016). For instance, in software engineering students who developed self-efficacy
through developing problem-solving skills had a stronger sense of professional identity and
increased confidence (Dunlap, 2005).
In the early 1980s writers were researching the professional identity of probation staff and
asked if there was a body of specialist knowledge specific to the role which would constitute
this in the way that other professions such as teachers, lawyers or doctors had (Thomas,
1983; Lawrence, 1984). They were more concerned with a limited body of academic writing
which guided and supported practice and development, rather than a perception of
performance or confidence comprising part of professional identity (Lawrence, 1984).
Between 1970 and 1990 the key qualification for probation officers was the certificate of
qualification in social work (CQSW) (Mawby and Worrall, 2009) and that those who qualified
saw themselves as specialists in working with vulnerable people. This qualification was
followed by the Diploma in Social Work (DipSW), before 1997 the introduction of the
Diploma in Probation Studies finally cut ties with social services and professionals who were
new to the service were no longer being trained in a social work driven ethos (Mawby and
Worrall, 2009). Suddenly probation officers were having to successfully pass difficult
qualifications that no longer mirrored the altruistic, social or religious motivations of the
60s and 70s (Mawby and Worrall, 2009). Older social workers still saw the offender as a
victim of their circumstances and needed help and support, whereas the newer staff saw
them as potentially dangerous individuals whose risk needed to be managed and controlled
(Mawby and Worrall, 2009).
Mawby and Worrall (2009) not only looked at the change in academic qualifications and the
drive to ensure they were academically robust, but also observed the fact that probation
staff were keen to work across a range of areas to gain different knowledge from courts, to
hostels to prisons in order to specialise. Staff actively sought to build on their formal
qualifications with work-based skills and specialist experience to increase their competence
and professional reputation (Clare, 2015).
Clare (2015) also argues that probation staff use their training and experience in order to
juggle the realities of a need for social justice and punishment with the ethical treatment of
the offender which adds legitimacy to their practice, which has often come under question
following the TR process of privatization. Clare (2015) further suggests that this legitimacy
and ethically driven practice should be used to shape the way the CRCs deliver their business
because it reduces business risk when staff are highly trained and highly experienced in their
role. However, it is unclear whether officers share the same business concerns, as research
suggests they are more motivated by ethical practice than business profits (Phillips, 2010;
Clare, 2015). Yet it is in the interest of a business to ensure relevant and reliable training
meets the needs of its staff as this ensures capability and confidence (DeMonte, 2013;
Thompson et al., 2017).
With probation staff it appears that their construction of professional identity is in fact a
combination of their education, training and perceived high standards of delivery of work,
but also underlying ethical and moral motivations to provide a service which make their role
a vocation rather than simply a job (Phillips, 2010; Clare, 2015). Understanding these drivers
can help to predict that staff who have been moved from a role they consider to be akin to
social service, to an employee of a large business concerned with profit may no longer feel
their ethical and moral motivators are aligned to the new company’s and this could erode
their sense of identity and trust.
Identity post-privatization
As stated earlier, probation has undergone various changes to both organisational shape
and ideological paradigms (Phillips, 2010), however, some writers claim that this split and
the cultural effects of going from an effectively civil service role to one of business and profit
driven employee, has been the biggest paradigm shift (Clare, 2015). Historically staff have
fought to hold on to their professional values and identities in the face of policy change
because first and foremost, they were probation officers (Phillips, 2010; Clare, 2015).
However, after TR even that was removed as fully qualified probation officers are now called
senior responsible officers (SRO) and partially qualified probation service officers are now
called responsible officers (RO).
Kirton and Guillaume (2015), conducted research into the impact of privatization on
Probation staff and found there was a general fear that profit would come before staff and
that their future was no longer secure, and they would not have the long-term career
opportunities that NPS staff had. This was a stark difference from the lifelong services of
staff in the past who had joined Probation looking for a vocation (Phillips, 2010). Kirton and
Guillaume’s (2015) study regarding the effects of TR on NAPO members found that
conditions had deteriorated and the lack of a professional voice in the process had been
demoralising to staff whose educated opinion had previously been respected (Phillips,
2010).
Robinson, Burke and Millings (2016) studied staff identity during the transition period from
probation trusts to CRC and identified a number of themes which emerged in the discourse
of the staff interviewed from separation and loss and status anxiety. Some staff believed
the new CRCs were ‘socially invisible’ without a clear identity, and they were worried that
they would be seen as ‘second class probation’ (Robinson, Burke and Millings, 2016, p.173).
Deering and Feilzer (2017) followed Robinson, Burke and Millings’ (2016) study by
considering the 3 elements of legitimacy; external legitimacy of officers work as interpreted
by external agencies, internal legitimacy of practice as interpreted by offenders under
supervision and self-legitimacy as internalised by staff themselves. They found that self-legitimacy and a belief that they are acting appropriately affected how professionals
behaved and exercised their authority and this then increased the co-operation of offenders
on supervision. However, they argue that the transition into private practice has impacted
on this level of self-legitimacy but add the caveat that this had been a progressive
occurrence prior to TR (Deering and Feilzer 2017).
They conducted questionnaires followed by open questions to explore the qualitative
explanations for the quantitative results from the questionnaires by asking subjects why
they joined probation, had it met their expectation, what type of person they think staff
should be and what their role should include and whether their values have come under
challenge following the move to the private sector.
They found that the gap in shared values and interpretation of quality had diverged
between established probation officers and new managers and new staff, leading to
mistrust and a fracturing of group identity, which is necessary for the maintaining of self-legitimacy. They also found that self-legitimacy was based on the belief that justice was state-sanctioned and as such should be state administered and not something which should
be done by private providers and this membership of a private company did not sit
comfortably with subjects (Burnett and McNeill, 2005; Deering and Feilzer, 2017).
Hall (2015) supported the Probation Institutes bid to become a regulatory body, where staff
would register and be subject to mandatory continuous professional development. Deering
and Feilzer (2017) posit that probation staff’s sense of self-legitimacy may have been
severely damaged during the transition and suggest such internal narratives may be rebuilt
by the Probation Institute gaining regulatory body status to add legitimacy to staff identity.
They suggest this could potentially rebuild the sense of joint identity as a member of one
body, irrespective of who the officer’s employer is. This was a large-scale study conducted
over a period of time which is outside the scope of this current research, however, the
research was conducted directly after TR. This current research will be following on from
these initial findings, three years later and in light of the new knowledge that the two
Probation providers are to be re-unified.
Consequences of damage to professional identity
Even before TR began, Phillips (2010) recognised that qualified probation officers’
professional identity had declined as more and more probation service officers have taken
over work without possessing the full probation officer qualification. Mawby and Worrall
(2011) similarly found dissatisfaction, with newer staff felling they had been misled by the
job role as the emphasis was more on compliance and enforcement than building strong
relationships. Overall, there was unrest within the staff group irrespective of grade.
Fitzgibbon (2009) also argues that there has been a wide-scale deskilling of probation staff
as professional discretion has been replaced by tick boxes, where staff record attendance
and compliance and no longer had the opportunity to work with the whole picture. This led
to damaging high profile further offences and high levels of scrutiny which have led to
increased stress and anxiety (Fitzgibbon, 2009). Fitzgibbon (2009) goes on to state that the
rate of continuous change in practice has had a detrimental impact on staff, with
experienced officers suffering lowered resilience and leaving the service.
Kirton (2015) conducted a large scale survey and found that following TR, the staffing levels
in CRCs reduced on average across the UK by 1.84%, but in Derbyshire, Leicester and
Nottinghamshire this was 4.76%. They also found that 40% of respondents surveyed in the
CRCs would take voluntary redundancy and leave if they had the opportunity and 29.2% of
staff were actively seeking other employment outside probation. The main experiences
cited during this study were a sense of de-skilling, loss of career opportunities, and excessive
workloads with the CRCs owned by Sodexo suffering higher than average inability to cope
at 48% and fearing job loss at 74%.
This strengthens the argument that employers, particularly Sodexo employers, need to
mitigate more staff losses and attempt to retain their experienced and qualified staff
members. The next wave of change was set to start in spring of 2020 when the two sides of
probation return back to one service (Barton, 2019). In reality, this has turned out to be
June 2021 when staff will again through a change of organisational identity, as they become
civil servants.
Sam Cooper, Probation Officer