Are you aware of an ongoing project to remove the band four staff from the delivery of sex offender programmes? There is currently a consultation ongoing and a job evaluation which is being done with the clear aim of down grading this work due to cost implications.
They want band 3 staff to deliver Domestic Abuse and Sex Offender programmes. Of course, this work used to be all done by band 4 staff (PO), it was only a cost cutting TR exercise that saw programmes work split with DA going to the CRC who immediately down graded the staff needed. However, CRC practice on DA was not generally well regarded as we know. HMIP found very patchy practice when they looked at BBR work in the report linked below.
You'd have thought that taking practices embedded in the totally discredited TR clusterfuckery and extending them to a further risky group of politically sensitive offenders might not be the best idea?
The excellent Probation Journal article by Renehan documents the impact of the Domestic Abuse work on largely female band 3 CRC staff. When I read this personally what I took was that the abuse of these staff by the organisation mirrored the abuse that the course was supposed to address. They were not adequately trained and supported to do this work. Again, doesn't seem the best footing on which to extend these staff into working with another group of POPs who's offending may bring a even greater degree of complexity and emotional labour.
In prisons Sex Offender programmes are delivered by a mix of "unqualified" prison officers alongside forensic psychologists I think, but then prison SO programmes have been found not be very effective so again, perhaps not the best model.
Ultimately, this is a cost cutting exercise and cutting costs while not cutting quality is always fool's gold.
--oo00oo--
Foreword
An estimated two million people experienced domestic abuse last year. A good proportion of people in receipt of probation services are domestic abusers, and domestic abuse constitutes a sizeable proportion of the work of Community Rehabilitation Companies (CRCs). In this inspection we set out to assess how well CRCs are working to reduce domestic abuse and protect victims. Overall, we found CRCs nowhere near effective enough in this critical area of work, and yet good work here could make so much difference to the families and individuals concerned, and to society as a whole.
Yes, we found pockets of good practice, as we have come to expect, and we saw examples of good public protection partnership work as well. But overall the work was characterised by a lack of awareness and applied expertise. It is not an exaggeration to say that many individuals were drifting through their supervision period without being challenged or supported to change their predilection for domestic violence, and that simply won’t do.
Those left unchallenged and unassisted pose a particular threat to others, most especially those close to them. Too often we were left wondering how safe victims and children were, especially when practitioners failed to act on new information indicating that they could be in danger. Practitioners often underestimated the level of harm victims and children were exposed to. Some practice was of grave concern to us.
In the cases we looked at, we found that very little meaningful work had been completed in custody. In the community, domestic abusers were not making enough progress, and many had completed little work to help them improve their relationships and behaviour. While a range of domestic abuse interventions were being offered, I am not assured that these were all evidence-based, evaluated or delivered effectively. Too few individuals were either starting or completing Building Better Relationships, the only accredited domestic abuse programme that the court can impose as part of a community sentence.
Many practitioners had unmanageable workloads. Inexperienced staff were managing complex issues with little training or management oversight. Some were too busy to do a thorough job, while others simply didn’t have the knowledge needed to do a good job. Some CRCs had introduced new structures, policies and case management tools but, generally, CRCs should be taking a more strategic and determined approach. In my view, they should be making sure that practitioners know the current evidence base and that they are equipped to supervise domestic abusers well in all respects. That is not happening: there is insufficient focus on domestic abuse.
There is a lack of clear and specific contractual obligations and incentives for CRCs to actively manage domestic abuse. The Ministry of Justice has the opportunity to consider this, as and when it recasts contracts.
Our recommendations are focused on what we see to be the big priorities. There is enough in this report to help CRCs identify what needs to be done and where things are working well. I encourage them to build on the pockets of good practice identified here and to give domestic abuse the priority and attention it deserves.
Dame Glenys Stacey
HM Chief Inspector of Probation
September 2018
--oo00oo--
Facilitators of probation-based domestic violence perpetrator programmes: ‘Who’s in the room?’
Abstract
The role that probation practitioners play in the desistance process has begun to receive much needed attention. Yet, the experiences of facilitators of probation-based, domestic violence perpetrator programmes have long been neglected. This article explores the experiences and wellbeing of eight facilitators from one cohort of the Building Better Relationships (BBR) programme in England. Drawing upon five-months’ observations and in-depth interviews, I demonstrate how working with domestically violent men with insufficient knowledge, experience, or support, exacerbated within the context of Transforming Rehabilitation reforms, impacted significantly on facilitator well-being, professional identities, and practice. Practice implications are discussed.
Discussion
The thematic inspection of domestic abuse work within CRCs offered a rare glimpse into the BBR programme. However, it was limited in scope given it did not seek to identify who exactly is ‘in the room’ (Burke, 2014). Understanding the capacities of group facilitators who undertake such work, and the effects on them, is crucial not only for desirable outcomes but for the well-being of those who are tasked with facilitating change in others. Unfortunately, to date, facilitators of DVPPs have been forgotten in between the debate of programme fetishism and desistance focused supervision with probation practitioners (Durnescu, 2012).
I have highlighted that facilitators were not enabled to work in ways that were commensurate with their own personal and professional values for many reasons: there was a lack of adequate training which focused on delivering (some) exercises from a manual and ‘lumped’ together amongst other accredited programme training; the video equipment which was used to record group sessions and monitor practice had not worked for over 2 years and so practice development was not in force; supervision was not supportive; facilitators felt de-valued due to a lack of pecuniary incentives, professional development, and promotional opportunities; and the emotional demands of the job was overlooked even though this affected how they felt and worked. This was further complicated in those cases where facilitators had their own personal encounters with trauma which had both positive and negative effects on them and in how this shaped their practice. What is important to note here is that some facilitators felt they had to leave their own trauma at the door, or face professional judgement or risk losing their jobs.
While many of the facilitators were able to humanise the traumatising but traumatised men with whom they worked, the lack of time, low confidence, and investment in them as valued professionals had impacted on their wellbeing and their professional identities, experiences that were interdependent and mutually reinforcing. Even while the Transforming Rehabilitation agenda of the Coalition Government of 2013 sought to de-professionalise part of probation services, the facilitators in this study, like many other probation practitioners in CRCs (Tidmarsh, 2020a), were still invested in the discourses of professionalism in which they endeavoured to deliver a service that valued the clients with whom they worked. But calls to ensure they were response-abled were met with solutions that diluted the standard of service they had strived to provide. Supervision was not adequate to deal with the emotional demands of the job, vicarious trauma, or the psychological impact of re-living their own traumas. The lack of due care towards facilitators resulted in them feeling devalued, exhausted, desensitised and disincentivised to do their job which was executed with a mixture of enthusiasm and dread. Almost 12 months on, five facilitators were either on long term sick leave or had left.
Abstract
The role that probation practitioners play in the desistance process has begun to receive much needed attention. Yet, the experiences of facilitators of probation-based, domestic violence perpetrator programmes have long been neglected. This article explores the experiences and wellbeing of eight facilitators from one cohort of the Building Better Relationships (BBR) programme in England. Drawing upon five-months’ observations and in-depth interviews, I demonstrate how working with domestically violent men with insufficient knowledge, experience, or support, exacerbated within the context of Transforming Rehabilitation reforms, impacted significantly on facilitator well-being, professional identities, and practice. Practice implications are discussed.
Discussion
The thematic inspection of domestic abuse work within CRCs offered a rare glimpse into the BBR programme. However, it was limited in scope given it did not seek to identify who exactly is ‘in the room’ (Burke, 2014). Understanding the capacities of group facilitators who undertake such work, and the effects on them, is crucial not only for desirable outcomes but for the well-being of those who are tasked with facilitating change in others. Unfortunately, to date, facilitators of DVPPs have been forgotten in between the debate of programme fetishism and desistance focused supervision with probation practitioners (Durnescu, 2012).
I have highlighted that facilitators were not enabled to work in ways that were commensurate with their own personal and professional values for many reasons: there was a lack of adequate training which focused on delivering (some) exercises from a manual and ‘lumped’ together amongst other accredited programme training; the video equipment which was used to record group sessions and monitor practice had not worked for over 2 years and so practice development was not in force; supervision was not supportive; facilitators felt de-valued due to a lack of pecuniary incentives, professional development, and promotional opportunities; and the emotional demands of the job was overlooked even though this affected how they felt and worked. This was further complicated in those cases where facilitators had their own personal encounters with trauma which had both positive and negative effects on them and in how this shaped their practice. What is important to note here is that some facilitators felt they had to leave their own trauma at the door, or face professional judgement or risk losing their jobs.
While many of the facilitators were able to humanise the traumatising but traumatised men with whom they worked, the lack of time, low confidence, and investment in them as valued professionals had impacted on their wellbeing and their professional identities, experiences that were interdependent and mutually reinforcing. Even while the Transforming Rehabilitation agenda of the Coalition Government of 2013 sought to de-professionalise part of probation services, the facilitators in this study, like many other probation practitioners in CRCs (Tidmarsh, 2020a), were still invested in the discourses of professionalism in which they endeavoured to deliver a service that valued the clients with whom they worked. But calls to ensure they were response-abled were met with solutions that diluted the standard of service they had strived to provide. Supervision was not adequate to deal with the emotional demands of the job, vicarious trauma, or the psychological impact of re-living their own traumas. The lack of due care towards facilitators resulted in them feeling devalued, exhausted, desensitised and disincentivised to do their job which was executed with a mixture of enthusiasm and dread. Almost 12 months on, five facilitators were either on long term sick leave or had left.
Nicole Renehan
June 2021
https://www.liverpoolecho.co.uk/news/liverpool-news/row-after-independent-crime-victim-25160976
ReplyDeleteAn independent charity reacted with dismay after a contract to deliver victim services in Merseyside was not renewed and instead replaced with an in-house police service.
DeleteThe Merseyside Vulnerable Victims’ Service had been delivered by the independent charity Victim Support for more than 30 years. The charity says it provided tailored help for victims, with "specialist case workers delivering one-on-one support and advice", regardless of whether or not victims of crime had contacted the police.
However Merseyside Police and Crime Commissioner Emily Spurrell allowed the Victim Support contract to end on September 15, to create a new Victim Care Merseyside Hub, which will involve trained police staff.
PCC Spurrell says her office will still support 10 independent charities and services to provide specialist support, including for survivors of sexual abuse and rape, harmful cultural practices such as forced marriage, and exploitation and slavery.
Victim Support, however, claims some victims will now not get the help and support they need due to reluctance to approach a service run by police directly. The charity provided a statement from a victim of domestic violence in Merseyside, who wrote: "At the time I didn’t realise that I was a victim, and if someone had said to me, ‘go to the police’, I never would have. Whereas my Victim Support case worker was more of a person who I just felt safe around and felt like I could speak to...
"From my own experience with domestic violence, there’ll be a lot more victims who are silent if it is solely through the police, because the police have a name. A victim support worker, they don’t, you just feel like they’re normal people. If it is to go ahead, it’s such a shame because so many people are going to be quiet in the background."
Trained staff all grades can do the role there is nothing here that argues a po is qualified especially for a tutor role. Pso deliver everything and in vlo work who were shafted from 4 to pay grade 3 unless your a po. A Napo agreed position. The expansion of police is almost expected these days as they avoid their job of policing the streets. Morphing probation away .
DeletePublicly funded salaries of £millions continue to be paid to senior managers & high-ranking civil servants despite the plethora of negative reports, well-founded criticisms, the highlighting of failures & lack of care. Many of those responsible for the CRC shitshow were shoe-horned into well paid positions in HMPPS.
ReplyDeleteI & others have often commented in the past that working in probation has many parallels with being in an abusive relationship with a controlling significant other who can't function without you, who treats you like shit but won't let you leave - the bullying, the gaslighting, the manipulation, the threats, the coercion: "public protection, SFOs, capability..."
You know I had that thought and my compliant head said that was just to too far- I began to compare my reactions to the ongoing, relentless events. My understanding from training tells me coercive control is all over the construction and presentation of the pay deal. With the additional comment a day or two later on the intranet by the HMPPS Director General CEO- one hell of a title!!
DeleteWhy wouldn't probation let someone leave?
DeleteSee guest blog 6/10/22:
Delete"Any staff that have the ability or the wherewithal are applying for jobs elsewhere in the business to get away from sentence management. That said, those PDU heads are wise to this and are simply refusing to release staff when they get new jobs! "
I can’t see any reason why band 3 PSO staff can’t deliver programmes. If Band 3 and Band 4 receive the same programme training then what is the problem? Whether those delivering should be paid at Band 4 is the real issue here.
ReplyDeleteYep, I'm not a surgeon but I've watched a video and I'll have a go
DeleteThis is simply cost cutting. Programmes work is complex, skilled and demanding. What is the point of probation officer training if not to deliver a higher level of rehabilitative work and risk managment? What next? Do we ask band 3 pso colleagues to do parole reports on IPP cases? Hold mappa level 3's? All of this work, the DA and SO programmes, should be done by band 4 staff. The research from Renehan shows that band 3 CRC staff were not supported and trained to do the work with DA perps that they were required to do. Role boundaries protect us all. It's in no one's interests to collude in their deconstruction except those who want cut costs.
DeleteI can't see any reason why teaching assistants can't run classes; I can't see any reason why nurses can't do operations; I can't see any reason why anyone can't do anyone else's job.
ReplyDeleteExactly how the Trust chiefs were thinking when they stopped recruiting PO staff, filled their Trusts with PSOs & permanently damaged role boundaries, undermined rate-for-the-job - & generally prepared the world of probation for the cheapskating, asset-stripping & de-valuing that wasTR.
Time was that programmes were delivered by 2 x POs with a third observing. All had supervision provided by an experienced independent Senior Practitioner or SPO.
Now, it seems, anyone that's had half-a-day training can run a programme on their own, out of hours with cctv & a receptionist as back-up.
#NeverMindTheQualityFeelTheWidth
08:52 Are you comparing a program facilitator to a surgeon or teacher?
DeleteProgramme work can be delivered by probation staff at band 3 or band 4, and they receive the same programmes training. Probation Officer training does not include delivery of programmes so there is no extra benefit to being a probation officer.
"Probation Officer training does not include delivery of programmes so there is no extra benefit to being a probation officer."
Delete[warning - this comment may contain sarcasm]: So that's you burned down, @08:52
FFS... the lack of understanding or insight inherent in the post by @18:32... : (
Well ok then but what exactly in delivering a prepped programme will any po add to the value. What tangible reality of skill understanding or specialised response or direction will a po actually make some measurable difference. It is all the same a measured outcome regardless of the nonsense pos are somehow better. Several pso trainers in my area are better qualified one is from an education and 1 psychology.
DeleteSo what does that make them better than a po deliverer. I'm thinking po is in tune to offending behaviour and how the programmes could be better supported to deliver that inter relationship. I do understand this is not a requirement and it should all be equal. Except pay of course this is going to drive us into segregated pay rated roles .
DeleteComment at 08:17 - shows how little you understand programmes
DeleteIts slight of hand, three card trick economics. Getting more for less if not for nothing.
ReplyDeleteI read an interesting report from the select committee about the new victims bill over the weekend. It was very critical on several points, it raised serious concerns with regard to funding.
In it's current format it means agencies such as police and probation will be presented with extra obligations which will have to be paid for from existing budgets, diverting resources from already overstretched frontline delivery.
https://www.policeprofessional.com/news/victims-bill-will-have-limited-effect-without-proper-funding-report/
'Getafix
The Commons Justice Committee reviewed the proposed legal reforms, which could pave the way for the first victims’ law in a bid to make sure they are better treated and supported in the criminal justice system.
DeleteThe group of MPs found “flaws” in the way victims were defined in the draft Bill, a “lack of enforcement powers” and the need for additional resources so the proposals can be effective.
It also said the sharing of a victim’s immigration status by the police with the Home Office acts as a “barrier to justice” and called for the practice to end.
According to the committee, changes proposed in the draft Bill, including enhancing the role of police and crime commissioners, would diminish the role of the Victims’ Commissioner which it argued should be “strengthened”.
The report comes a week after Victims’ Commissioner Dame Vera Baird announced she was quitting her post as she accused ministers of “downgrading” victims’ interests in the Government’s priorities and of “side-lining” her office while branding the Bill as “inadequate”.
Committee chair Sir Bob Neill said: “The draft Bill’s aim to improve the criminal justice system’s treatment of victims is laudable, but the Government must provide new funding to make it all possible. If not, the police, Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) and Probation Service will be forced to divert funds away from their core functions.
“The definition of a victim must be explained in more detail, particularly where it includes witnesses without any mention of how badly said witness has been affected. It can’t be the Government’s intention that a witness to petty theft should have more rights under this legislation than a murder victim’s next of kin.
“The draft Bill comes amid a backdrop of significant and growing court backlogs with victims of crime too often waiting years for their cases to come to court, and criminal legal aid barristers turning away from the profession. The Government is taking steps in tackling those deep-rooted problems but until they are resolved victims will continue to suffer harm for too long.”
Andrea Simon, director of the End Violence Against Women Coalition (EVAW), said: “In its current form, the Victims’ Bill is a missed opportunity to transform the justice and support landscape for victims and survivors, who continue to be appallingly failed at every step of the justice process.
“The Government is not doing enough to deliver on its claims that this Bill will put victims at the heart of the criminal justice system.”
Joint Association of Police and Crime Commissioners leads for victims, Donna Jones and Sophie Linden, said: “We welcome the Justice Select Committee’s Pre-legislative scrutiny of the draft Victims Bill. It is clear that they have carefully considered the views of contributors, and we are grateful for their considered report on this important legislation.
“We agree with the committee, and as we submitted in our evidence, the Bill must be strengthened across the board. We are committed to working with the Ministry of Justice to truly put victims at the heart of this legislation and ensure local and national accountability.
“The committee rightly highlights the backdrop of the court backlog against which this Bill is set. These significant and ever-growing court backlogs need to be resolved as a matter of urgency if we are to prevent victims from suffering for too long. The government must take steps to tackle these issues if we are to truly put victims first.
“It is vital that the system is supporting and delivering for victims and that we ensure that this Bill truly is the ‘landmark’ piece of legislation the Government has promised us.”
Here's the real news - Independent today:-
ReplyDeleteCreaking public services must find further real-terms cuts of up to £18bn a year, Kwasi Kwarteng has confirmed – just minutes after his humiliating U-turn on the 45p tax rate.
Budgets will not be topped up to take account of soaring inflation, the chancellor said, a move described by economic experts as likely to have an “extraordinary” impact on the NHS and schools.
Mr Kwarteng argued it was right to stick within spending allocations made in 2021 – although inflation is now more than twice the forecast peak of 4 per cent made then.
“I think it’s a matter of good practice and really important that we stick within the envelope of the CSR [the Comprehensive Spending Review],” he told BBC Radio 4.
But the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS) has warned an extra £18bn is needed in each of the next two years to restore “the real-terms generosity intended”, because inflation is around 10 per cent.
The confirmation of the cuts comes as the Treasury also plans real-terms cuts to benefits, to fund the massive tax giveaway that will continue despite the decision to keep the 45p rate.
Mr Kwarteng refused to apologise outright for the 45p blunder, but said: “There is humility and contrition in that – and I’m happy to own it.”
He denied the botched budget 10 days ago was to blame for soaring mortgage rates which BBC Radio 4 called a “Kwarteng premium” inflicted on homeowners.
“What you are representing is a complete distortion or a one sided version of reality,” he argued – pointing to higher rates in the US and Japan.
The chancellor also admitted he was wrong to attend a party with City financiers hours after handing them huge gains through tax cuts, saying “it probably wasn’t the best day to go”.
Asked if he had considered resigning – after less than one month in the post – Mr Kwarteng said: “Not at all, because I’m focused on delivering the growth plan.”
On the campaign trail, Liz Truss suggested she would hold an emergency spending review – because allocations were made when prices were expected to rise by a peak of just 4 per cent next year and beyond.
Inflation is now at 9.9 per cent and is expected to rise to 11 per cent in the autumn, remaining at a similar level for much of next year.
Paul Johnson, head of the IFS, said, last week: “It is pretty extraordinary. There’s a real problem for schools and hospitals doing even the pay rises that they’re doing. It’s going to be a real squeeze.”
Torsten Bell, of the Resolution Foundation thinktank, said: “The reality of double-digit inflation will tightly squeeze the budgets of schools and hospitals, as well as households.
The decision comes despite growing alarm over the record NHS patient backlog, existing cuts to school spending, the crisis in social care and massive delays in the justice system.
I know the BMA have already set up a strike fund because they expect doctors to be on strike in January.
DeleteI anticipate a general strike happening around the same time, and possibly some civil unrest before then.
Too many people are hurting, pulling their tripe out every day only to find themselves going backwards.
Ukraine and Covid have obviously impacted on the global economy, but the situation in the UK today is more about Tory mismanagement over the last 12years then anything else.
10 years of austerity nd privatisation didn't just shrink the State and suppress wages, it stumped growth.
Everyone wants to pay less tax. Tax funds public services. No tax no public services. No public services it's all private purchase.
Chris Philp boasted this morning that because of this government's fiscal policies the average family is now £450 a year better off! Even if that's true it's only just over £8 a week. £8 a week isn't going to pay for private healthcare.
The British public have been too accepting, and their sense of integrity, and doing the right thing has been exploited by Tory governance.
We need a general election, and we need it yesterday!
'Getafix
MoJ Press Release:-
ReplyDeleteThousands of offenders will face compulsory drug testing after release from prison to help keep them clean and cut drug-fuelled crime.
From today (3 October 2022), offenders supervised in probation hostels, known as Approved Premises, will be randomly tested for 14 different types of drugs as part of a £1.2 million initiative to reduce reoffending.
Offenders whose drug habits are directly linked to their crimes, such as heroin addicts, will be legally required to take a urine test up to once a week to prevent their addiction from spiralling into further crimes. All other offenders will be tested at least twice whilst being supervised in Approved Premises.
New enhanced tests will also make it easier to spot a range of drugs including heroin, cocaine and synthetic substances like Spice, with around 30,000 tests being carried out each year.
Those who test positive will be required to undergo intensive drug treatment or face being recalled to prison.
These changes were first introduced as a Private Members Bill by Rob Butler MP, who recently became Prisons and Probation Minister.
Rob Butler, Prisons and Probation Minister, said:
I’ve seen first-hand how drug addiction is too often at the heart of criminal activity and I have campaigned to change that.
This mandatory testing will act as a deterrent to anyone tempted to abuse drugs again, help cut crime and make our communities safer.
Illegal drug use costs the taxpayer nearly £22 billion each year, including NHS, prison and police costs. Clamping down on drug use will help break the cycle of crime which addiction causes.
This type of testing has been successfully rolled out in dozens of Approved Premises in England and will now be expanded across the whole estate by spring 2023.
‘Ian’, an offender currently housed in an Approved Premise, said:
Before I got clean from drugs, my life was chaotic, and I would do anything to get my next hit.
Regular testing in Approved Premises will reduce drug deaths and give people something to focus on and work towards.
At first, I was worried about being tested for fear of being recalled to prison but it was an incentive for me to stay clean, rebuild broken trust with family and loved ones and start applying for jobs so I can look for my own place.
The initiative represents one of the largest expansions of drug testing in the Probation Service and supports the government’s wider 10-year Drugs Strategy which is backed by £900 million of extra investment.
As part of this, the government is investing £120 million to roll out three pilot substance misuse problem-solving courts in the community to make offenders face their addictions. The investment will help establish 18 new drug recovery wings ensuring prisoners tackle their addiction head-on or face tough consequences – including further time in jail where necessary.
Approved Premises are used by the Probation Service to closely supervise and support offenders after their release from prison.
This is another case of the horse having bolted a decade or so ago and probation staff are still stood looking at the stable door trying to decide what to do with it. Trusts chipped away at role boundaries and CRCs were designed to do away with them.
ReplyDeleteProgrammes in prisons have been delivered by unified staff and treatment managed by people in PSO salaries for ages. The fact they haven't made this move before now is remarkable
And what they going to do when 75% test positive. Can the prison system handle that?
DeleteHow many who fail a test and facing recall will just will just go on their toes and abscond?
DeleteI actually think that drug testing in APs is only the beginning, and will be rolled out to include all people being supervised by probation.
I think its totally the wrong approach.
If punishment could cure addiction, it would be prescribed on by the NHS.
'Getafix
Agree a step too far but so are the alcohol monitoring tags. Just setting people up to fail
Deletehttps://www.ft.com/content/09388d56-f42d-41e0-89e5-b1dd9d74a4d8
ReplyDeletehttps://www.civilserviceworld.com/professions/article/moj-perm-sec-antonia-romeo-lined-up-for-treasury-top-job
Ministry of Justice permanent secretary Antonia Romeo is Kwasi Kwarteng’s top pick for the Treasury top job, according to reports.
The chancellor is expected to announce the new Treasury permanent secretary this week, after sacking Sir Tom Scholar hours after coming into office.
As a civil service leader, Romeo has said her priorities include “bringing in the best talent, creating genuine progression and opportunities for that talent and setting a culture of purpose”.
More like a culture of nepotism & ideologically driven spite.
Shame nobody challenged the use of 'clean' in this press release. I know it is common language for substance users, but the implication of drug use being dirty is why substance misuse services and activists have tried to erode it's use by officials.
ReplyDelete