Napo published their view of the parole changes yesterday in a mailout to members:-
Parole Board Recommendation Chaos
National Officer Ben Cockburn provides an update for members on the recent decision of the Secretary of State for Justice to prohibit Probation staff from making any recommendations to the Parole Board on progression or release, either in written reports or as witnesses at Oral Hearings.
These are fundamental changes to our ability to exercise professional judgement, and express our evidenced opinions, in making these recommendations to the Parole Board. The Secretary of State for Justice snuck these through Parliament without any advance consultation or debate on the 30th of June, for full introduction just three weeks later.
This is a ministerial decision, with full responsibility for the current chaotic situation – which we believe will unfortunately only deteriorate further in the coming days, weeks and months – resting entirely with the Secretary of State for Justice, including the cowardly and haphazard manner in which these changes have been introduced.
The decision to launch this assault on the professional integrity and independence of Probation staff undermines – perhaps fatally – the stated plans of HMPPS to pursue a “professionalisation agenda” for the Probation Service, given at a stroke it removes our ability to offer valuable expert opinion to the Parole Board, which we currently do in writing and verbally on thousands of occasions each year.
It remains to be seen how senior leaders and managers in the organisations involved can possibly recover any credibility on this issue when the actions of the Secretary of State appear in such direct opposition to their stated aims.
This is a wholly unwelcome, dangerous and momentous shift in a crucial area of Probation practice, one which brings with it a huge range of harms such as the increased risk to previous victims as well as others in our communities, significant staff demoralisation (leading to an exacerbation of the employer’s current problems in recruiting and retaining Probation staff), the destruction of public confidence in this part of the criminal justice system and increased Government spending.
We would also note a growing backlash from others regarding these plans – including other trade unions, opposition political parties, relevant charities, members of the Parole Board and those in the legal profession – and will be looking to communicate and coordinate with those who can support us going forward.
The communications and guidance we have seen so far from the employer to Probation staff are full of various contradictions, gaps and flaws, possibly evidence that many in the HMPPS who should have been working to plan such a fundamental change received little or no warning from the Secretary of State and those close to them.
Our very real fear is that, if introduced as planned, the parole system in England and Wales will be plunged further into chaos. It is further evidence that members of this Government have no interest in learning any lessons from the experience of ‘Transforming Rehabilitation’, where they also failed to listen to those with a wealth of knowledge and experience urging a different direction in that regard with all too disastrous consequences.
Napo is absolutely opposed to these changes and have made, and will continue to make, our member’s outrage at this situation clear to those involved in our contacts with HMPPS senior management and at a ministerial level. Given the significant concerns we have outlined we are asking that these plans – such as they are currently constituted – are halted pending a meaningful period of consultation and engagement with the trade unions, as well as other relevant stakeholders.
National Officer Ben Cockburn provides an update for members on the recent decision of the Secretary of State for Justice to prohibit Probation staff from making any recommendations to the Parole Board on progression or release, either in written reports or as witnesses at Oral Hearings.
These are fundamental changes to our ability to exercise professional judgement, and express our evidenced opinions, in making these recommendations to the Parole Board. The Secretary of State for Justice snuck these through Parliament without any advance consultation or debate on the 30th of June, for full introduction just three weeks later.
This is a ministerial decision, with full responsibility for the current chaotic situation – which we believe will unfortunately only deteriorate further in the coming days, weeks and months – resting entirely with the Secretary of State for Justice, including the cowardly and haphazard manner in which these changes have been introduced.
The decision to launch this assault on the professional integrity and independence of Probation staff undermines – perhaps fatally – the stated plans of HMPPS to pursue a “professionalisation agenda” for the Probation Service, given at a stroke it removes our ability to offer valuable expert opinion to the Parole Board, which we currently do in writing and verbally on thousands of occasions each year.
It remains to be seen how senior leaders and managers in the organisations involved can possibly recover any credibility on this issue when the actions of the Secretary of State appear in such direct opposition to their stated aims.
This is a wholly unwelcome, dangerous and momentous shift in a crucial area of Probation practice, one which brings with it a huge range of harms such as the increased risk to previous victims as well as others in our communities, significant staff demoralisation (leading to an exacerbation of the employer’s current problems in recruiting and retaining Probation staff), the destruction of public confidence in this part of the criminal justice system and increased Government spending.
We would also note a growing backlash from others regarding these plans – including other trade unions, opposition political parties, relevant charities, members of the Parole Board and those in the legal profession – and will be looking to communicate and coordinate with those who can support us going forward.
The communications and guidance we have seen so far from the employer to Probation staff are full of various contradictions, gaps and flaws, possibly evidence that many in the HMPPS who should have been working to plan such a fundamental change received little or no warning from the Secretary of State and those close to them.
Our very real fear is that, if introduced as planned, the parole system in England and Wales will be plunged further into chaos. It is further evidence that members of this Government have no interest in learning any lessons from the experience of ‘Transforming Rehabilitation’, where they also failed to listen to those with a wealth of knowledge and experience urging a different direction in that regard with all too disastrous consequences.
Napo is absolutely opposed to these changes and have made, and will continue to make, our member’s outrage at this situation clear to those involved in our contacts with HMPPS senior management and at a ministerial level. Given the significant concerns we have outlined we are asking that these plans – such as they are currently constituted – are halted pending a meaningful period of consultation and engagement with the trade unions, as well as other relevant stakeholders.
--oo00oo--
A legal view of the parole changes from No5 Barristers Chambers:-
On 30 June 2022, the Secretary of State for Justice laid a statutory instrument (S.I. 2022/717) making significant amendments to the Parole Board Rules. These are (in the main part) due to come into force on 21 July 2022. The main changes include a provision for public access to Parole Board hearings, and enhanced powers for the Secretary of State to influence the Board’s decision-making process.
Secretary of State’s powers
The government website release refers to the “new powers for Deputy Prime Minister to oppose and challenge the release of dangerous offenders” though that title owes little to the legal framework of course and more to the political situation.
The Minister receives extra powers to challenge Parole Board decisions – including where new, violent behaviour by offenders comes to light – and to give his own view earlier in the process.
There appears to be an attempt to centralise control at the MOJ, with the announcement:
“Recommendations for release or moves to open prison for the most serious offenders - including murderers, rapists, terrorists and those who have caused or allowed the death of a child - will also now be made by the Deputy Prime Minister before going to the Parole Board for its final decision.
After carefully considering expert and professional advice, the Deputy Prime Minister will give his view on whether the prisoner would be safe to be released. Making the ministerial view clear from the outset will provide another safeguard to help keep our streets safe from dangerous prisoners – removing any ambiguity from the process."
An amendment is introduced to Part B of the Schedule to the Rules, so that it shall remove the existing provisions asking for views on suitability for release and instead insert:
“1Z.—(1) Reports relating to the prisoner should present all relevant information and a factual assessment pertaining to risk, as set out in the paragraphs of Part B of this Schedule, but the report writer must not present a view or recommendation as to the prisoner’s suitability for release or move to open prison conditions.
(2) Where considered appropriate, the Secretary of State will present a single view on the prisoner’s suitability for release.”
Therefore prison and probation staff will no longer be allowed to give the Parole Board their recommendations or opinions on the decision to be made (as least not in writing – perhaps another reason why an oral hearing is a fairer process in the future). It is far from clear that this change has been made in consultation with the Parole Board or shall be regarded as a welcome change by its judicial panels.
More worrying still, for those who believe that those who deal with the prisoner’s rehabilitation may have the more appropriate view to give than a politician, or who feel that the current test that allows the independent judicial Parole Board to continue detention whenever it is necessary to do so for the protection of the public is a sufficiently difficult test to surmount until rehabilitation is achieved, is the future spectre that:
“In due course this will be bolstered by further reforms, including a tougher Parole Board release test and powers to scrutinise and block the release of the most dangerous offenders.”
Hearings in Public
Another headline amendment is the provision to hold oral hearings in public where the panel chair considers, either on their own initiative or on an application to the Board, that it is in the interests of justice (rule 15 as amended). According to the Secretary of State for Justice, Dominic Raab, the goal of this measure is to maximise transparency “so victims and the public can see justice being done”.
This amendment has been long expected since the Worboys case, and a case initiated in 2019 by Charles Bronson in which the Ministry of Justice indicated this change would be made.
Setting Aside Final Decisions
The amendments also allow for greater powers in relation to the reconsideration of Parole Board decisions. Previously, the Board could only set aside a decision on the grounds that the decision is irrational or procedurally unfair. The amendment to rule 28 itself adds the further power to reconsider where the decision “(a) contains an error of law”. Rule 28 has additionally been amended to expand the scope of decisions which can be reconsidered to include those prisoners serving a “serious terrorism sentence”.
Furthermore, a new Rule 28A allows the Board to set aside its own final decisions and directions where it is in the interests of justice to do so and where one or more conditions are satisfied: (1) where the Board would not have made a decision “but for an error of law or fact”, or (2) where either new information is available (and the rule does not specify or seemingly require that this is information that could not or should not have been before the panel originally); or “a change in circumstances relating to the prisoner that occurred after the direction was given, had occurred before it was given.” (this latter point doing no more than state the law as decided by the Divisional Court in 1999 in the case of R v Parole Board ex p. Robinson).
By rule 28A(11) the duty to release the prisoner and give effect to a Parole Board direction to release (under Chapter 2 of Part 2 of the 1997 Act or Chapter 6 of Part 12 of the 2003 Act) is suspended when an application is made “pending the decision under paragraph (3)”. Late – even unfounded – applications (within the 21-day window) appear capable of unfairly delaying a release.
On the other hand, the positive news for prisoners is that they are also one of the parties entitled to invoke this mechanism of reconsideration against a non-release decision said to be amenable to the test in rule 28A.
These modifications can be read alongside an accompanying provision in section 133 of the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act 2022 which has amended section 239 of the Criminal Justice Act 2003 to provide for the power to make these specific rules.
Applications to terminate IPP Licences
There are amendments to Rule 31, which governs applications to terminate IPP licences. An IPP licence can now only be terminated when the Secretary of State makes a “reference” to the Board. No longer can “applications” be made under the rule. Again, this rule change reflects s.138 of the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act 2022. The purpose does not appear to prevent applications (at least annually made), which must be referred, but it puts the procedure more on the footing of other referrals made to the Board such as under s.28 of the Crime (Sentences) Act 1997 which are initiated in the process procedurally by the Secretary of State.
Further procedural changes
The amendments further provide for a series of important procedural changes.
For example, Rule 21 now allows the Board to make a decision to conclude on the papers after it had been directed to an oral hearing, if it considers it is no longer necessary for reasons other than where further evidence is received by the Board. The previous obligation to conduct the oral hearing that has been directed unless there was new evidence to change the appropriateness of that course has been removed. It is unclear whether prisoners will have legitimate expectations frustrated that no doubt do not assist motivation in rehabilitation progress. The new rule 21 will allow a decision on the papers after a direction for an oral hearing where that is said to be (a) in the interests of justice; OR (b) to effectively manage the case; OR (c) for such other reason as the panel chair or duty member considers appropriate, including where further evidence is received by the Board.
Rule 27 summaries and disclosure are expanded in application, allowing for the disclosure of the Board’s recommendations comparable to the disclosure of its decisions.
Declarations of all kinds, including personal interest, are being snuck out during the current political turmoil:
ReplyDeleteAntonia Romeo - Directorships
* Donmar Warehouse Projects Limited
* Donmar in the West End Limited
* Donmar Productions Limited
* Donmar Films Limited
Related Parties
* John Vincent Romeo, Managing Director of Oliver Wyman - husband
https://www.oliverwyman.com/index.html
Jo Farrar - Related Parties
* Jeffrey Farrar, Chair of the Intergrated system for Bristol & North Somerset - husband
Other declarations are also available, for example, did anyone wonder whey there's a right-wing trend in the civil service?
Antonia Romeo 21 Feb'22 - Meeting with Policy Exchange to discuss government reform
"Policy Exchange is a British conservative think tank based in London. In 2007 it was described in The Daily Telegraph as "the largest, but also the most influential think tank on the right"
Antonia Romeo 10 Mar'22 - Meeting with Reform UK to discuss government reform
"Reform UK is a right-wing populist political party in the United Kingdom. It was founded as the Brexit Party in November 2018, endorsing hard Euroscepticism"
Hospitality returns: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/1090732/MoJ_Senior_Officials_Hospitality_January-March_2022.csv/preview
Ministerial returns:
Dominic Raab visited The Hague on 14 Mar'22 for "UK Support to the ICC". He travelled by Private charter jet at a cost of £22,895.00
"Last week, I went to The Hague to offer British assistance to the International Criminal Court in bringing those responsible for war crimes in Ukraine to justice."
All available on MoJ &/or HMPPS web pages
This shows how weak both the probation service and probation unions are.
ReplyDeleteThere should of been, and can still be, refusal to adopt the ‘no recommendation’ policy. If there is no instructions from our leaders instructing we continue to make recommendations then they are as complicit with Dominic Raab as the Parole Board is.
Probation officers should be prepared to be blamed for all Parole Board decisions. When the sh*t hits the fan we can no longer say “but I did / didn’t recommend release”.
These changes are being legislated via a statutory instrument in parliament so how on earth could NAPO or the Probation Service refuse to implement them?! Plus if the Probation Service refused to implement it then presumably people would get fired for gross misconduct!
DeleteProbation Officers are banned from making recommendations, but every Parole Report I complete will state in whatever the last section is “risk is / isn’t manageable in the community”. Parole Board won’t be blaming me when their release decisions go pear shaped.
ReplyDeleteThe published FAQ says commenting on whether risk is or isn't manageable on the community isn't permitted so if you do that then your report won't be countersigned!
DeleteSo what an earth is the point of a risk management plan/risk assessment then. If Mr X poses a high risk of serious harm, but the presented risk management plan is the "best case" scenario in terms of managing those risks, if we can't then comment on how likely that plan would manage the stated risks, then it would be impossible for the parole board to know if the person is safe to release if the very people designing and implementing said plan can't comment on its effectiveness. This is the problem with rushed delivery and poorly thought out statutory instruments that haven't had scrutiny, debate and proper implementation. As another commentator said, this will either lead to the report writers losing incentive to produce well thought out reports and plans, or will lead to confusion about whether the author's stated purpose in putting forward the plan was that they felt it would be effective or not. This will either lead to a reduction in releases, or the parole board assuming that stated plans are always effective and releasing inappropriately. What I can't work out is what is supposed to be achieved by this, what the purpose of the changes are and the lack of transparency is what is causing the anger and confusion. For an organisation that says it is "honest", "transparent" and "works with integrity", it seems to be wholly failing on all counts.
DeleteI think it's a return to much darker days of our CJS, and a reversal of hard won rights.
ReplyDeleteHowever, having said that I'm old, and remember when the State held absolute authority on release on parole, regardless of any recommendation, and had no obligation to provide a reason for refusing parole.
I think it's worth remembering that oral hearings and the parole board and independence are relatively new in our CJS. It was the following human rights case that paved the way and started the processes that led to the system we have today.
https://swarb.co.uk/thynne-wilson-and-gunnell-v-the-united-kingdom-echr-25-oct-1990/
It was this case (and subsequent others) that led to the State relinquishing its overall powers to a more judicial and fairer approach. Initially it was a limited number of cases that were considered independently of the State, although the State still had an influence, but over time more and more cases were added until we reached todays system.
These new changes in essence silence opinion, and give the State back its overall control. It becomes an IPP, Imprisonment for Political Purpose, and it's the age old trick of trying to appease the public when the Government are in trouble.
However, all people like Rabb will achieve is a very short term gain, at the expense of devaluing professionalism, and creating problems further down the line for all CJ agencies.
These changes won't benefit the public, but they just might benefit the party.
'Getafix
Protest will not change this. The legal response pointing out the controversial aspects won't help. This is a government ideologically driven with self imposed standards . Look at the mess of bojo and team the can't be stopped by their own side.
ReplyDeleteOn the subject of protest, temperatures are rising, ‘bang up,’ time is ever expanding and prisons are drastically understaffed.
ReplyDeleteIs the roof about to come off at a prison near you?