Saturday, 6 December 2025

Follow the Blueprint?

This response is in two parts1/2

Thank you for this vital and clear-eyed analysis. You’ve perfectly framed the collision of ideology, profit, and political convenience that has hollowed out probation’s soul. Your question—‘unintended consequences or quiet conspiracy?”, pushes beyond the ‘how’ to the more profound ‘why.’

Reading your words, I was struck by a chilling thought: what if we are not witnessing a unique policy failure, but the latest activation of a very old blueprint? Your observations about the shift from care to control, the bureaucratisation of indifference, and the political theatre of punishment echo across centuries of systems designed to subjugate.

I’ve tried to trace these echoes below, not to contradict your excellent summary, but to place it in a darker, historical context. You ask if we’re willing to reverse the trajectory. I believe the first step is to recognise the ancient pattern we are up against.

The Blueprint of Control: What Probation's Decline Teaches Us About Systems of Subjugation

The story of probation’s slow transformation—from a service of social work to an arm of enforcement—feels like a modern, bureaucratic tragedy. But to view it only through a contemporary lens is to miss its deeper, more unsettling resonance. What we are witnessing is not an anomaly; it is the latest iteration of a historical blueprint for the subjugation of marginalised populations.

You asked if this damage was “unintended or ideological,” pointing to a pattern that repeats across centuries. The mechanisms may differ—no shackles or explicit pogroms—but the functional architecture of control remains recognisable.

The outsourcing of probation and prisons to corporate contractors mirrors a foundational tool of oppression: the commodification of human beings and their destinies.

The Atlantic Slave Trade and the Plantation System. Human beings were literally converted into capital assets, their value measured in labor output and market price. Their well-being was secondary to profit margins and contractual obligations between traders and owners.

Today, the “offender” becomes a revenue-generating unit within a Ministry of Justice contract. Success is measured by cost-per-case and contract compliance, not by healed lives or restored communities. The profit motive, when applied to human correction, inherently creates a perverse incentive to manage rather than solve, to process rather than liberate. It is the enclosure of the social realm, turning public duty into a private revenue stream.

The obsession with KPIs, dashboards, and audit trails is not neutral efficiency; it is the bureaucratisation of indifference.

The meticulous ledgers of colonial administrations and the cold, procedural efficiency of certain authoritarian regimes. These systems perfected the art of reducing complex human communities to data points—taxable units, resource quotas, census numbers—to be administered from a distance. South Africa apartheid was an example, propelled not just by hate, but by terrifyingly meticulous bureaucracy that turned ethnic control into a logistics problem.

The professional judgement of a probation officer, rooted in a relationship, is replaced by a drop-down menu of risk factors. The complex, messy human story is flattened into a “case file” for throughput. This illusion of scientific control strips away context, empathy, and humanity. It is a system designed to be blind to the individual, making oppressive outcomes feel like administrative inevitabilities rather than moral choices.

2/2

Politicians choosing “tough on crime” rhetoric over evidence-based rehabilitation are playing a very old game: consolidating power by defining and punishing an “other.”

The Roman practice of bread and circuses included the spectacle of brutal punishment in the Colosseum, pacifying and uniting the populace through the violent subjugation of a designated group (slaves, criminals, enemies). For centuries, rulers have used public punishment—stocks, pillories, executions—as theatre to reinforce social boundaries and state power.

The political theatre of announcing longer sentences, tougher conditions, and more surveillance serves the same purpose. It defines the “law-abiding” public against the “dangerous offender,” offering a narrative of safety through control rather than through complex social investment. It is a short-term political strategy that sacrifices long-term human and social well-being, exploiting fear for gain.

The move from care to control is the story of institutional mission drift, where systems designed for one purpose are warped into instruments of oppression.

The transformation of some religious missions, orphanages, and “schools for assimilation” (e.g., for Indigenous children). Founded under banners of salvation or education, they often became systems of cultural erasure, emotional abuse, and control, their original ethos corrupted by the unchecked power dynamics and punitive logic embedded within their operation.

Probation’s original mission—“advise, assist, and befriend”—has been corroded. The relational, social-work heart has been replaced by a surveillance-and-enforcement mechanism. The system no longer exists primarily to elevate the individual, but to manage the risk they are presumed to pose. The helper has been recast as the guard.

The retired officer is correct. You don’t need a conspiracy when ideology, profit, and political convenience align. History shows us this alignment is how oppressive systems are built: not always with a grand plan, but step-by-step, through the rational language of efficiency, safety, and order.

So where is the humanity? In this historical light, humanity is the first casualty of the blueprint. It is deliberately designed out of the system because it is inefficient, unpredictable, and resistant to metrication.

To fight for a humane justice system, then, is to do more than argue policy. It is to recognise and name these historical patterns of subjugation when they reappear in managerial dress. It is to insist that a system processing human beings must be built on a foundation of dignity, redemption, and relational trust—principles that have always been the antithesis of control and the bedrock of true liberation.

The question for us now is: having seen the blueprint, will we have the courage to stop building by it?”

ANARCHIST PO

--oo00oo--

What you describe as the “blueprint of control” is exactly what frontline probation staff are trapped inside. The hardest part isn’t recognising the problem—it’s acting against it when your job security is tied to the very bureaucracy you’re trying to resist.

Practitioners are told to use their professional judgement, but the moment that judgement conflicts with targets or risk narratives, it gets shut down. You can’t easily challenge a system when the system controls your workload, your appraisal, and your future employment. That dependency keeps people compliant, even when they can see the damage it does.

If power is going to shift back to professionals, it has to start with three things:

(1) collective voice rather than isolated dissent, (cue the NAPO complaints)
(2) structures that genuinely trust practitioner judgement, and
(3) protections that make humane practice safe, not risky.

Probation can’t rebuild its humanity unless the people doing the work are free to act like humans—and right now, the bureaucracy holds too much of the power for that to happen.

Personally I'm not very optimistic about this getting any better anytime soon. I've had a lifetime of doing my best in difficult circumstances, but I can't wait for this to all end for me personally and I hope that there is life outside of probation where I can do something useful.

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Thank you for this. You’ve put your finger on the exact tension: seeing the blueprint isn’t enough if we feel powerless to redraw it.

I hear you about NAPO—it’s a common feeling that the official machinery of change moves slowly, if at all. But maybe hope doesn't live there right now. Maybe it lives in the spaces between us—in the conversations like this one, and in the small, stubborn ways practitioners keep humanity alive despite the system.

When you say collective voice is needed, you’re absolutely right. And perhaps that voice begins long before it reaches a union podium. It starts when officers:
  • Share their moral dilemmas openly, not just as complaints, but as evidence of a broken system.
  • Document quietly, not just for cases, but for the record—noting when policies harm rather than help.
  • Support each other’s judgement in team meetings, backing colleagues who advocate for a person over a procedure.
  • Connect across offices, informally at first, building a network of the disillusioned but determined.
So when we talk about collective voice, maybe step one is exactly this: using spaces like this to name what’s happening, to mourn what’s been lost, and to imagine what could be. Every time someone shares a story like ours, it becomes harder for the system to pretend everything is working. We are building a living archive of frontline truth.

These aren’t dramatic revolts. They’re the daily, quiet work of keeping the professional conscience alive. And that conscience is like a seed—it can look dormant for a long time until conditions change.

You also mentioned making humane practice safe. That might begin with us deliberately protecting each other’s humanity—covering for one another, validating difficult choices, refusing to internalise the system’s contempt for our own values.

I don’t know if the big structures will change in time for those of us nearing the end of our careers. But I do know this: every time someone like you speaks plainly about what’s happening, we make it easier for the next person to do the same. We’re not just waiting for the end—we are passing on the clarity that will be essential whenever the cracks in the system finally widen.

Hope doesn’t have to mean believing the system will transform tomorrow. It can mean believing that what we protect now—our ethics, our empathy, our solidarity—will be the foundation for whatever comes next. We are already building that foundation, even on the days it feels like we are just surviving.

Thank you for staying in the conversation. It matters.

ANARCHIST PO

********
This guest blog hits hard because it calls out what many inside probation already feel in their bones: we didn’t stumble into this mess — we were steered into it. Bit by bit, the service drifted from rehabilitation to risk-orthodoxy, from social work to surveillance. And now, in an era of rising authoritarianism and populist “law-and-order” swagger — not just in England but across the world — probation risks becoming nothing more than a political prop.

But this doesn't need to be the end of the story. Staff still have agency, and there are ways to take back control and recover the rehabilitation mission before it is lost to the slogans and spreadsheet

Here's my top five suggestions for action.

1. Reclaim professional judgement like a tool left rusting in the shed.
For too long, discretion has been treated as a risk rather than a strength. It’s time to insist that time spent with people — not time feeding data into hungry dashboards — is what actually changes lives. Rehabilitation isn’t an algorithm; it’s a relationship.

2. Build alliances across the social landscape.
If probation waits for ministers to rediscover humanity, it’ll be waiting a long time. But local partnerships — with community groups, housing leads, mental-health teams, addiction workers — can rebuild what central government keeps stripping away. When probation becomes a bridge rather than a border checkpoint, rehabilitation breathes again.

3. Speak truth to power, loudly and consistently.
Document the reality on the ground. Not only what is failing, but what still works when staff have the space to practise properly. Counter the tabloid myth that “punishment equals safety.” Make the case — publicly, relentlessly — that rehabilitation is the only strategy proven to reduce reoffending.

4. Protect relationships from the rising tide of tagging and surveillance.
The more we outsource public safety to devices and recall culture, the more we amputate the core of probation: trust, hope and skilled human engagement. Tagging can track someone’s ankle; it cannot steer their life.

5. Tell the story of probation as it was meant to be.
The public is bombarded with political theatre — “toughness,” “crackdowns,” “zero tolerance.” But probation was built as the quiet counter-narrative: the lighthouse, not the searchlight. Staff, ex-staff and supporters need to say clearly what’s at stake. When rehabilitation is sidelined, communities don’t get safer — they get more fractured, more chaotic, more fearful.

We are living through a global moment when authoritarian instincts are growing louder and more confident. If probation doesn’t assert its purpose now, it risks being swept into that current, transformed from a service of hope into one more cog in the machinery of control.

This is the moment to grab the wheel.

Rehabilitation was never meant to be a footnote — it was the headline. And if staff stand together, insist on evidence over rhetoric, and keep practising the craft of change even in small daily acts, the rehabilitation initiative can be reclaimed.

Probation doesn’t need to wait for permission to rediscover its purpose. It only needs the courage to remember it.

14 comments:

  1. There are few words that can remotely express heartfelt thanks to ALL those trying their very best to speak their truths. It is clearly resonating and inspiring others to speak theirs too. Now retired, I am only able to share via X and today with my Facebook followers and actively try to engage my MP too. I do hope the Probation Institute, Napo, HMIPP and many significant others get too ‘listen’ to your voices. Wishing ALL those in work today a kind, safe and productive day and others a happy and restful weekend. Take Care or yourselves and each other. IanGould5

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    1. The sentiment is applauded however I’m reliably informed that the road to a more correctionally based approach has already been discussed at a sub mininsterial level with a view to incremental approaches ( mooted to have begun via One Hmpps) being implemented based on ‘performance deficiencies’ ……….problem-solution-reaction

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  2. It often feels as though HMPPS has little interest in retaining experienced staff, largely because they are the ones most likely to challenge decisions. There appears to be a broader attempt to redefine the identity of the service in line with political priorities, and that is far easier to achieve if the most vocal and experienced staff are no longer in the way. There needs to be a huge focus from NAPO in focusing on newer members of staff being active members so the values are not lost! The current PQiP programme does focus on the values of rehabilitation and gets us to critically analyse political pressure and penal policy V rehabilitation and the benefits for society. This is unfortunately quickly forgotten. By the time your NQO period is over you are watered down to fire fighting and resentment.

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  3. In a similar vein I hope yesterday's poster doesn't mind an edited repost:

    "Our own age of disillusionment could become the prelude to a new authoritarian era.

    Or it could be remembered as the moment when a new kind of ambition took hold, a moral ambition like the abolitionists once embodied." Bregman, Reith Lecture #2.

    You, all of you reading & posting & editing this blog who evidently care passionately about the Probation ethos, YOU are the thoughtful committed citizens who have the moral ambition, who can make the difference, who can make things change.

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  4. None of what's being said is going to make any difference to the future changes. Talking writing and sharing the right side of the debate on this blog won't shift the dial. The employers only have to consult with official representatives they do not even negotiate anymore. As none the in crowd pondering philosophising suggestions are being taken forward officially in a combined reaction to change by sanctioned union work to rules instructions then effectively this will become a told you for warning site not a process of effecting a diversion prevention of the dramatic end of probation as rehabilitation specialist.

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    1. Hence a political campaign is needed directed at members of parliament (Commons or Lords who are prepared to either represent constituents in a serious way to the Government or who have a particular interest in constructive criminal justice policies or who can have their interest raised. Such campaigning ideally from current or recent frontline probation staff also needs to be directed at relevant committees in parliament or individual members of those committees such as the accounts committee in the midst of a current inquiry.

      https://committees.parliament.uk/work/9278/efficiency-and-resilience-of-the-probation-service/

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  5. Really impressed with some of the recent conversations that have taken place in this blog. Previously, no disrespect but the probation blog seemed to have lost its energy just repeating the same old same old. But more recently, found the experience educational, insightful and certainly challenging. I have learnt loads and taken so much from just reading about some of the complex issues. Just opened my eyes. Its helped me (don’t know about others) to find that lost energy and drive that led me into probation in the first place. It’s refreshing to know there are good ppl out there who thrive for a equal and meaningful world. Much appreciated.

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    1. Well said @10.31 - I hope you can make more contact with other like minded probation workers perhaps via one of the three Probation trade Unions.

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    2. Agree. Enjoyed the discussion. Lots of food for thought especially from anarchist. He should defo take his voice to the union.

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  6. I am a regular reader of the blog but rarely post bc by the time I finish from work and rush to get home to my two children, I’m tired and exhausted. My contract says I should work 37 hours but actually end up working on average 50+ hours a week. I log on at home regularly in the evenings when the children are upstairs catching up and completing OASYs, breach reports, contacts etc etc… I don’t feel I have a quality of life. Honestly I can’t see myself doing this for the next year or two and have already started to look at other jobs. The volume of work is just not manageable. I spend 10 minutes with a PoP and end up doing one hour of admin, doing referrals, liaising with agencies, updating oasys… it’s never ending. It’s the same thing again and again. I just wish things were better, although I cannot see this changing soon. If things do change I will be well gone. My children don’t deserve this and their quality of life come first.

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    1. Because people like you (as did I for about 30 years) work more than their contracted hours the Government can manage to just about get by. Things can change. I am 76 and now realise some of the consequences of being a frequently absent parents during my children's critical years. It is time that cannot be reclaimed. I would still have been paid the same salary and pension if I went home after I had done just what was contracted with me and left the work completely outside my home.

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    2. I think theres a distinction that should be recognised here Andrew.
      In the past most POs did above and beyond their contractual hours. However, those hours were gifted to the support, wellbeing and the needs of the client.
      In today's target driven world those extra hours only benefit the employer assisting them to hit targets and keep their records up to date.
      Where once the extra time was happily afforded to people, it's now resentfully taken up by paperwork.

      'Getafix

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  7. https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/prison-population-projections-2025-to-2030

    The prison population is projected to increase to between 98,000 and 103,600 by March 2030

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  8. https://hmiprobation.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/document/safeguarding-adults-at-risk-of-harm-supervised-by-the-probation-service-in-england-a-thematic-inspection/

    hmip said:

    * The current assessment frameworks, including OASys, do not fully capture the nuanced vulnerabilities of individuals on probation, particularly men.
    * A review of assessment practices and terminology – especially the continued use of ‘vulnerability’ – is warranted.
    * The implementation of Probation Reset has implications for the safeguarding of people on probation.
    * The risks posed by and to the individual are frequently interrelated and must be addressed in a joined-up manner.
    * Safeguarding risks must be identified and planned for before contact is terminated.

    hmpps response:

    https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/692d86b7ce50d215cae96297/HMPPS_action_plan_-_Safeguarding_Adults_at_risk_of_harm_thematic_report_-_Nov_2025.pdf
    _______________________________________________________

    cardiff & the vale pdu inspection ratings:
    Fieldwork started September 2025 Score 2/21
    Overall rating Inadequate

    gwent pdu ratings:
    Fieldwork started September 2025 Score 4/21
    Overall rating Requires improvement

    https://hmiprobation.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/reports/

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