Thursday 29 September 2022

IPP To Do List

Before we leave the IPP situation and move on to other matters, not least the increased prospect of a Labour government sooner rather than later, it's worth highlighting the recommendations from the Justice Committee report:-

Conclusions and recommendations

Prison-based barriers to progression

1. Given the extensive and complex nature of the challenges faced by IPP sentenced individuals, we find the absence of detail in the IPP Action Plan surprising. It lacks a clear strategic priority and ownership, as well as operational detail, timeframes, and performance measures. (Paragraph 38)

2. We recommend the MoJ and HMPPS develop a new action plan, which should include clear performance measures for each of its workstreams. The new action plan should also, against each workstream, include an accountable owner for the workstream, and a timeframe for completion of each workstream activity so that there can be greater accountability and scrutiny. A new version of the IPP Action Plan should be published by the end of Q1 2023, with a report on the operation of the plan and any revisions to it published annually thereafter. (Paragraph 39)

3. The psychological harm caused by IPP sentences is a considerable barrier to progression for some IPP prisoners. The indefinite nature of the sentence has contributed to feelings of hopelessness and despair that has resulted in high levels of self-harm and some suicides within the IPP population. In addition to this, IPP prisoners distrust the people and services that are necessary to support their progression. In identifying solutions to the IPP problem, the MoJ, HMPPS and Parole Board must acknowledge the psychological harm caused by the IPP sentence, and the challenges this presents regarding progression. The MoJ and HMPPS should also set out how they intend to improve access to mental health support for IPP prisoners, including transfers to secure hospitals and therapeutic settings. (Paragraph 58)

4. Additionally, there are a small number of mentally unwell prisoners who are subsequently transferred to a secure mental hospital. For these prisoners, the process for post-tariff release is more complex, and we are not clear what support is offered to those who, after a period of treatment, are no longer deemed detainable under the Mental Health Act 1983, but do not go on to meet the Parole Board’s test for release, and are then transferred back to prison from the secure hospital. The MoJ, HMPPS and the Parole Board should set out what support is available to those prisoners who are remitted back to prison after a period of time spent under section in a secure hospital, and how they are supported to progress in their sentence. (Paragraph 59)

5. We are concerned to hear that the availability of appropriate courses for IPP prisoners is limited. The MoJ and HMPPS must ensure that there are enough places on courses available to all those who need them. As part of the IPP action plan, the MoJ and HMPPS should set out what work is being done to expand provision of courses for IPP prisoners, reduce waiting lists, and ensure that IPP prisoners are being held in appropriate category prisons. (Paragraph 71)

6. Programmes, pathways and other interventions are often relied upon by HMPPS and the Parole Board to help determine risk, and so it is vital that they deliver the outcomes they purport to deliver. We are concerned about the lack of transparency surrounding programme evaluations, and so cannot be confident that existing programmes deliver adequate outcomes for prisoners. Some programmes have been evaluated yet have been found ineffective; other programmes are being used and relied upon yet have not been evaluated or, where they have, the evaluation has not been published, as has been the case with Professor Paul Moran’s evaluation of the Offender Personality Disorder Pathway. (Paragraph 80)

7. The Government should publish the commissioned report from Professor Paul Moran into the Offender Personality Disorder pathway by December 2022. In addition, the MoJ and HMPPS should set out what work is being done to ensure that all programmes delivered and relied upon by HMPPS and the Parole Board deliver adequate outcomes for prisoners; and, where they do not, they should set out the process for reviewing delivery of those programmes. (Paragraph 81)

Parole, release on licence and community-based barriers to progression

8. Our inquiry has highlighted wider resource issues within the Probation Service and the Parole Board. We have heard about frequent delays, untrained Parole Board members, frequent changes in professionals essential to the parole process, uncertainty following a negative parole decision and issues with the probation service. For the reasons set out, we consider the parole process as it stands, and the probation service’s involvement in it, to be ineffective, and posing a significant barrier to progression for IPP offenders. There needs to be sufficient resources for the Parole Board to consider IPP cases without undue delays. The Parole Board should prioritise people serving IPPs, and provide additional training to its members in understanding the impacts of the sentence. Only trained and experienced Parole Board members should oversee IPP cases. (Paragraph 93)

9. It is unacceptable that some prisoners do not have access to a community probation officer. HMPPS should set out why this is the case, and what work is being done to ensure that all IPP prisoners have access to a community probation officer to support them to progress through their sentence. We are also concerned that in some cases, the probation officer may have little knowledge of, or prior contact with, the offender. There needs to be sufficient resource for community-based offender managers to provide IPP prisoners with the support needed to prepare for parole hearings. HMPPS should set out what it is doing to ensure that probation officers have an adequate level of contact with the offender prior to their parole hearing. (Paragraph 94)

10. Spending an indefinite period of time on licence in the community is detrimental to the mental health and rehabilitation of IPP offenders, and in many cases is not proportionate to the index offence. We welcome the introduction of automatic referral by the Secretary of State for licence termination at the 10-year point. We would welcome regular updates on the number of IPP offenders whose licence is terminated as a result of this mechanism. (Paragraph 104)

11. Furthermore, we support a reduction of the qualifying licence period from 10 years to five years. This change would go some way to restoring proportionality to the IPP sentence. The MoJ should initiate legislation to this effect as soon as possible. (Paragraph 105)

12. The recalled population of IPP offenders is a growing concern and will soon be larger than the population of IPP prisoners who have never been released from custody. The Government needs to devote far greater energy and resource to tackling the “recall merry-go-round”, ensuring that IPP prisoners who do secure their release are able to live a successful life thereafter, avoiding unnecessary recall to prison. We agree with the Chair of the Parole Board that the Government should examine this issue in depth, covering, for example, the threshold for recalls, the use of Executive release, and the role of the Parole Board. The Government should discuss with local government how to ensure an adequate supply of approved premises that does not over burden specific local authorities. Emergency recalls should only be used as a last resort. Probation staff should be encouraged and supported to use alternative measures to emergency recall, such as adjusted reporting requirements, curfews and use of electronic tags. (Paragraph 120)

13. The Parole Board should have a greater role in decision-making around recalls. All IPP prisoners who have been recalled, not having received a new custodial sentence for committing a further offence, should have the right to an oral parole board hearing within two months of their request. The probation service should have to attend to explain their recall decision. Furthermore, all recalled IPP prisoners should be entitled to annual reviews by the Parole Board to consider whether they are fit for re-release. (Paragraph 121)

14. As set out earlier in this Report, the recall of IPP sentenced individuals is a growing problem. IPP prisoners face particular challenges with resettlement, and careful consideration must therefore be given as to how they are prepared for their release and subsequently supported in the community. We agree with the Prison Reform Trust that efforts to successfully reintegrate IPP prison leavers into society must match those efforts being made to help them to achieve release. (Paragraph 128)

15. We welcome the Government’s commitment to ensuring that all prison leavers leave prison with the basics, such as ID and a bank account, and ask that updates on this programme of work be provided to us. We would also welcome progress updates on the introduction of Resettlement Passports. As the passports are developed, we recommend that the MoJ works with stakeholders to give particular consideration as to how they can be used to meet the needs of IPP prisoners, including how resources such as psychologists can be most usefully deployed. In its response to this Report, the MoJ should also set out how IPP prisoners are prepared for their release, including the use of ROTL and the resettlement support and services that are available to prisoners who do not have a release date. (Paragraph 129)

Resentencing

16. Our Report has set out various steps the Government needs to take to help address the IPP problem. But it is clear to us that, while these measures are necessary, they will not be sufficient on their own to deal with the problems that have been identified in the way the IPP sentence continues to operate and is likely to operate in the coming years. The sentence is irredeemably flawed. (Paragraph 150)

17. As Lord Thomas noted in R v Roberts: “It was Parliament which legislated to establish a regime of sentences of IPP in terms which the courts have faithfully and properly applied. It must, in our democracy and in accordance with the rule of law, be for Parliament to provide a correction for the outcome if it so wishes”. We agree. In our view, a comprehensive and adequate solution to the IPP problem can only be achieved by primary legislation that deals retrospectively with the continued operation of the sentence and that allows a resentencing exercise to be undertaken. Paragraph 151)

18. Our primary recommendation is that the Government brings forward legislation to enable a resentencing exercise in relation to all IPP sentenced individuals (except for those who have successfully had their licence terminated). This is the only way to address the unique injustice caused by the IPP sentence and its subsequent administration, and to restore proportionality to the original sentences that were given. (Paragraph 152)

19. Concerns about available community resource for released offenders are valid and need to be taken into consideration. However, the lack of such resource is not a suitable reason for keeping people imprisoned indefinitely. We reiterate the words of our predecessor Committee:

as a matter of policy and common sense rather than law, it is wholly indefensible to incarcerate prisoners of any category beyond the expiry of their tariff or their eligibility for release on licence simply because of a lack of resources on the part of HM Prison Service or the Parole Board. (Paragraph 153)

20. We have not sought to set out the terms of the proposed legislation to enable the resentencing exercise, which will ultimately be for Parliament to consider. We do, however, recommend that it should comply with the key principles that we set out below. We also appreciate that establishing a resentencing exercise will be administratively complex. Accordingly, we recommend that the Government set up a time-limited small expert committee to advise on the practical implementation of the resentencing exercise in conjunction with the senior judiciary. (Paragraph 154)

21. In establishing how to undertake a resentencing exercise of IPP prisoners and what legislation would be needed, it will be important to keep in mind the following three key principles: (Paragraph 175)

a) Balancing protection of the public with justice for the individual offender: A resentencing exercise must strike a balance between protecting the public from the risk of IPP prisoners committing serious further offences if released and securing justice for individual offenders. To achieve that balance, it must be accompanied by sufficient resources to provide released IPP offenders with the support they need—including mental health support—to reintegrate into society. It must also avoid a one-size-fits-all approach and should prioritise the offenders most adversely affected by the sentence: those who were sentenced in the early years of the sentence, prior to the ‘seriousness threshold’ changes in 2008. Any resentencing exercise should also ensure that current sentencing practices designed to ensure protection of the public from serious violent and sexual offenders, such as the way Extended Determinate Sentences are applied and supported, serve as a model in relation to resentenced IPP offenders.

b) The independence of the judiciary: We agree with Lord Thomas that undertaking a resentencing exercise would not interfere with the judicial independence of sentencing. Indeed, it was the decision to curtail the usual discretion of judges to determine the most appropriate sentence for each offender that led to the initial proliferation of the IPP sentence. It would be important, therefore, for a resentencing exercise not to repeat that mistake. In resentencing IPP prisoners the judiciary must be able to make an independent and fair assessment of the individual circumstances of each case and have the discretion to determine an appropriate sentence.

c) Measures to prevent retrospectively increasing the sentence: Any resentencing exercise must be constrained by the general principle, derived from common law and natural justice and set out in the European Convention on Human Rights, that a person should not be subjected to a heavier penalty than that which applied when they committed the offence. A resentencing exercise must avoid imposing any new sentence that puts an offender at a disadvantage compared to their existing IPP sentence, including, where necessary, maintaining the opportunity for release from which IPP offenders currently benefit.

22. We do not underestimate the complexity of undertaking a large-scale resentencing exercise for IPP prisoners. It would require careful thought, significant planning, and sufficient resource. However, the potential difficulties do not justify failing to grasp the nettle. All three branches of the state—the Government, Parliament, and the judiciary—must now rise to the challenge. (Paragraph 176)

13 comments:

  1. Guardian Comment:-

    Two years ago, a former supreme court justice described the imprisonment for public protection (IPP) scheme, introduced in 2005 for offenders deemed to be a risk to the public, as “the greatest single stain on our criminal justice system”. As a new report published by the House of Commons justice committee makes damningly clear, its iniquitous legacy still blights the lives of thousands of prisoners in England and Wales.

    Originally intended to target very serious offenders, IPPs were scrapped 10 years ago after being issued far more widely and inconsistently than anticipated. Close to 9,000 prisoners were warehoused indefinitely by the state, many without due cause, and plunged into the mental torment of a “never-ending” sentence, with no conventional path to release. Lord Blunkett, the Labour home secretary who introduced the scheme, has since acknowledged the disastrous consequences of the policy for prisoners.

    It is therefore a national scandal that offenders who had the misfortune to be tried while IPPs were still in force continue to suffer those consequences. For a decade, successive home secretaries have dodged the moral obligation to address such cases and provide adequate resources to deal with the complex issues they raise. The MPs’ inquiry found that almost 3,000 offenders remain behind bars under IPP terms, with no way of knowing when or if they will be released. More than 600 have been kept in prison for at least 10 years more than their minimum sentence, of whom 188 received a tariff of less than two years.

    Many have been convicted of offences far less serious than those envisaged when the original legislation was drawn up, but have fallen foul of risk-averse parole boards. Others have been recalled to prison and indefinite detention after relatively trivial breaches of release conditions. MPs received testimony regarding the case of one prisoner convicted of causing a fire in his own cell, while serving a prior tariff of less than two years. Sentenced to an IPP, he has now served a total of 14 years in custody for the offence of arson.

    The justice committee’s report rightly calls for all prisoners detained under IPPs to be re-sentenced, and for the period in which they can be recalled after release to be halved from 10 to five years. Having acquiesced in outrageously disproportionate treatment of so many individuals, the state also needs to spend some money putting matters right. As the committee’s chair, Sir Bob Neill, points out, the cruel and open-ended manner in which these offenders have been convicted and sentenced has created its own unique set of challenges, which the parole process – as currently constituted – is ill-equipped to address. Proper resources must be set aside both to examine each case on its merits, taking into account the need to protect the public and to assist in rehabilitation and mental health support. Communities should be provided with the means to attempt the reintegration of IPP prisoners on release.

    These individuals have been grievously let down by a justice system that has acknowledged its error but failed to make amends. The publication of this report must be the catalyst for that process to belatedly begin.

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  2. Press Release:-

    Probation Service needs to learn the lessons of Serious Further Offence reviews

    HM Inspectorate of Probation has published its first annual report looking at the quality of Serious Further Offence (SFO) reviews undertaken by the Probation Service after people on probation commit a serious violent or sexual offence while under supervision. These reviews, conducted by the Probation Service, aim to find out why these offences happen and reduce the chances of them happening again.

    Chief Inspector of Probation Justin Russell said: “Each year, around 500 serious sexual or violent offences are committed by people who are under probation supervision. Each incident will have a devastating impact on all those involved, which is why it is essential that the Probation Service learns from these awful incidents to improve the way it manages risk of harm and to support a reduction in reoffending.”

    Since 2021, at the request of the Secretary of State for Justice, HM Inspectorate of Probation has been inspecting the quality of 20 per cent of the SFO reviews undertaken by the Probation Service into the circumstances surrounding some of the gravest crimes committed by people under probation supervision.

    This inaugural publication reports on the quality of 64 SFO reviews quality assured by the Inspectorate between April 2021 and April 2022, across England and Wales. We have rated 69 per cent of the reviews as ‘Good’ or ‘Outstanding’, but almost one-third (31 per cent) were rated ‘Requires improvement’ or ‘Inadequate’.

    Mr Russell continued: “Too many Serious Further Offence reviews are falling below par, with services not sufficiently identifying the necessary learning. This is because they are focused on ‘what’ happened rather than the ‘why’. As a result, they are not analysing poor practice robustly, which limits the learning for probation practitioners about the factors underlying these often very serious crimes.

    “I have also some concerns about the grade and independence of those undertaking this work. Senior Probation Officers tasked with undertaking these reviews told us they would like to explore management and policy issues at a more senior level, but do not feel empowered to do so. They expressed concern that their ability to scrutinise and potentially criticise the practice of their own senior leaders could be limited by their own role, grade and links to the region concerned. Greater independence within the SFO review process and a more senior grade of reviewer might bring greater and more robust challenge.

    “On a more positive note, almost three-quarters of the reviews we looked at were rated ‘Good’ in terms of their accessibility to victims or their families. We are seeing a genuine effort to be open, transparent and sensitive to the needs of victims needs and their families. This is significant improvement and is to be commended”.

    From the SFO reviews we have quality assured our inspectors have identified the following key lessons for frontline staff:

    : practitioners are underestimating the nature and level of risk of serious harm posed. In 64 per cent of the cases we reviewed, the practitioner had assessed the original risk of serious harm as only low or medium

    : diversity is not always fully considered and there is insufficient liaison between prison and probation staff

    : there is sometimes a lack of professional curiosity, with practitioners not using all available resources to support the management of the risks posed by people on probation in the community

    : there is a recurring failure (also evident in our local inspections) to undertake adequate enquiries with the police and local councils about domestic abuse or child and adult safeguarding risks.

    : high workloads and poor management oversight are having a clear impact on the quality of work to protect the public.

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    1. Such a report must surely raise questions about the identity of probation.
      People on probation are offenders, some with a lifetime history of offending. As such people on probation are more likely to offend again then other groups in society.
      Whilst probation may be able to mitigate some of the risks posed by some people on probation, it can't eradicate the risk of someone going on to commit a further offence of a serious nature.
      I therefore find it ludicrous that probation adopts the position of an agency of public protection.
      Taking that position must mean that not only SFOs, but all offences committed by someone subject to probation must represent a failure by probation to protect the public.
      It's just an impossible position.
      Historically, (but not so far back) probation was an agency of rehabilitation. It worked to reduce reoffending by giving offenders a stake in the community. It wasn't always successful, but when someone on probation did go on to commit further offence, the probation officer was able to demonstrate the steps they had taken and the work they had done to try and rehabilitate that person and prevent them from reoffending .
      The SFO or further offence committed wasn't the fault of the probation officer because their primary role was to the rehabilitation of the individual, not the overall protection of 65million members of the public.
      An agency of rehabilitation rather then an agency of public protection is a far better position for probation to adopt.
      It's better for those subject to probation,it's better and more honest for the public, and it's better and much safer for probation staff too.

      'Getafix

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    2. As ever, all very valid points well-expressed. The notion of probation being a public protection agency was foisted upon us of course and not one of choice. It's true that the mantra has been enthusiastically and slavishly adopted, but the old guard have always known that 'advise, assist and befriend' is the way to go, and as it happens is probably the best way to ensure 'public protection'.

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    3. Your so right here JB. I learned from a guy way way back when befriend meant something. A social contract it became termed but it was more than that. I recall youngsters before yjt telling me how they didn't offend despite needing or wanting to join their mates in crime because they made a promise to their po who they regarded as a close friend who supported and looked out for them. Time and the right skills all being washed out.

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  3. https://www.reuters.com/world/uk/uk-barristers-agree-vote-ending-strike-action-government-2022-09-29/

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    1. Lawyers in England and Wales involved in criminal trials have agreed to vote on ending a long-running strike after the government said it had offered them a new package of reforms and fee increases.

      Criminal barristers walked out indefinitely on Sept. 5, refusing to take on new cases after weeks of intermittent action over the summer in a dispute over government funding.

      2 minute readSeptember 29, 202211:25 AM GMT+1Last Updated 3 hours ago
      UK trial lawyers to vote on ending strike action after new offer
      Reuters
      Strike by criminal barristers outside the Supreme court in London
      Barristers stand together during a strike by criminal barristers outside the Supreme court in London, Britain, September 6, 2022. REUTERS/Peter Nicholls
      LONDON, Sept 29 (Reuters) - Lawyers in England and Wales involved in criminal trials have agreed to vote on ending a long-running strike after the government said it had offered them a new package of reforms and fee increases.

      Criminal barristers walked out indefinitely on Sept. 5, refusing to take on new cases after weeks of intermittent action over the summer in a dispute over government funding. read more

      Lawyers who act in criminal court cases say real earnings have collapsed, dropping 28% since 2006, with junior barristers earning a median income of only 12,200 pounds ($13,255) in their first three years, forcing many to give up their career.

      The government said the new package would mean a further 54 million pound investment, adding that a planned 15% fee rise for criminal barristers would now apply to the vast majority of cases currently in the Crown Court.

      "These are generous proposals, and I would strongly urge all members of the Criminal Bar Association (CBA) to consider carefully, end their strike and work with me to deliver better outcomes for victims of crime," Justice Secretary Brandon Lewis said.

      The CBA, which has more than 2,000 members and represents barristers in England and Wales, has previously said it wanted a 25% rise in fees for legal aid work, where government funding helps meet the costs of representation for those who cannot afford it.

      The CBA said its members would be balloted on suspending strike action "on the basis of an interim package".

      "The details are being discussed with our members," it said on Twitter, criticising the government for issuing a "premature press release".

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    2. I bet they got more than 3%

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  4. Civil Service World:-

    Chancellor Kwasi Kwarteng’s mini-budget has “broken a cardinal rule” of global economics that will make it “all but impossible” for departments to live within their existing spending plans and exacerbate unrest in relation to civil service pay levels, Nick Macpherson has warned.

    Lord Macpherson, who was Treasury permanent secretary from 2008 to 2016, gave a stark reaction to ongoing market turmoil that resulted from Friday’s fiscal event, which has seen the value of the sterling slide in relation to the US dollar and the cost of government borrowing increase.

    The crossbench peer said yesterday that current market pressures – created by the UK’s biggest round of tax cuts in 50 years and a lack of supporting detail on how they will be paid for – will “play themselves out over weeks and months”.

    “It’s a long and repeated game,” Macpherson wrote on Twitter. “We have a floating currency which withstands day to day market pressures.

    “At any point the ‘authorities’ can take countervailing action, though none of the options is good for growth.”

    But Macpherson cautioned that the worst may yet be to come in terms of the global financial markets’ response, while the outlook for the UK public sector is particularly bleak.

    “HMG has broken a cardinal rule: don’t look like an outlier relative to other G7 countries,” he said.

    “The markets now have sterling and gilts in [their] sights. There will be rallies followed by brief substantive lurches downwards. We probably haven't seen the bottom.

    “Meanwhile, the UK will pay a high risk premium for the increased debt it is selling, making it all but impossible to live within spending plans, even before inflation.

    He added that the government is expecting public servants "to take bigger real wage cuts even than in 1931, which led to mutiny”.

    Macpherson was referring to the government of the day’s decision to react to a depression-era run on sterling by imposing salary cuts for teachers, police officers and members of the Armed Forces.

    Ten percent pay cuts across the board for public servants were translated to a 25% cut for some longer-serving – but lower-ranking – sailors, which led to industrial action known as the Invergordon Mutiny.

    The mutiny caused a further run on the pound and led to the Bank of England abandoning the Gold Standard.

    Civil service unions argue that pay freezes and sub-inflationary rises since 2010 equate to a real-terms pay cut in the region of 20% for officials.

    Yesterday the civil service’s biggest union opened its strike ballot urging members to support industrial action in favour of a 10% pay demand – now broadly in line with annual consumer-price inflation.

    The government’s current pay-remit guidance proposes average pay rises of between 2% and 3%. The offer was condemned as “not fit for purpose” by civil service leaders’ union the FDA and professionals’ union Prospect last month.

    Both organisations called on the Cabinet Office to reopen negotiations over the guidance in the light of soaring inflation.

    Reports over the weekend suggested that new prime minister Liz Truss has abandoned plans for a new spending review to take account of dramatic inflationary changes since 2021’s three-year settlement was announced.

    Failing to allocate new money to departments will make it harder for leaders to afford pay rises in the 2%-3% range, let alone inflationary settlements.

    Responding to the mini-budget, the Institute for Fiscal Studies said it was “almost inconceivable” that three-year spending plans based on inflation peaking at 3% would not need topping up, unless the government was willing to allow “a (further) deterioration in the range and quality of public services”.

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  5. Law Society Press Release:-

    Law Society considers advising members not to undertake criminal defence work

    The criminal justice system will collapse unless the UK government funds all parts of the system equally, the Law Society of England and Wales has warned, as government announced a payoff for barristers to end their strike.

    “The criminal justice system is in crisis and the government is falling way short of addressing it. You cannot fix the problems in the system unless you fund all parts of it effectively,” said Law Society president I. Stephanie Boyce.

    "Reaching a compromise with criminal barristers but not providing parity for solicitors is short-sighted given it is solicitors who make up the greater part of the criminal defence sector. The independent review the government commissioned made clear solicitors are in an even worse financial situation than their counterparts.

    “Solicitors are the backbone of the criminal justice system, advising their clients from the first moment at the police station, through to passing of a sentence.

    “They are not taking short-term disruptive action. They are simply leaving the profession permanently, in ever greater numbers because the work is not financially viable.

    “And yet the government is currently proposing only a 9% rate increase for solicitors, 40% less than the 15% being offered to barristers, and far less than the bare minimum the Bellamy report concluded was needed for criminal defence solicitors’ firms to remain economically viable.

    “Either the government thinks Lord Bellamy, who is now a minister, was wrong to insist on a 15% uplift for solicitors or they have simply decided to ignore him.

    “Ever more solicitors will leave this work for good if the government doesn’t get its act together. Without them, the system will collapse, and justice will not be served for victims, witnesses and defendants.

    “This exodus of solicitors would have a far greater impact than the barristers’ strike, with magistrates, youth and Crown Court cases and even police interrogations affected. Suspects would not be able to receive the advice from duty solicitors they are legally entitled to at the police station and the fairness of their cases could be called into question.

    “Trust in the criminal justice system is in real jeopardy and a system collapse would embolden criminals.

    “If solicitors do not get parity on the bare minimum 15% recommended by Lord Bellamy, the Ministry of Justice will have made it clear that there is no future in criminal defence practice and we will advise our members not to undertake this work. No responsible organisation could truthfully advise otherwise.

    “We are meeting ministers urgently today.”

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    1. The last 3 lines say it all. Read it and weep probation unions no integrity left us to an nil advised ballot. Now no one is happy.

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    2. Solicitors are vital to the CJS that’s why they get access they don’t sit behind a desk all day keying in nonsense

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    3. “And yet the government is currently proposing only a 9% rate increase for solicitors”

      3x what probation got !!

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