Wednesday, 28 January 2026

Thought Piece

We're just a dumping ground for the prison service. The beleaguered cap doffers. The national guidelines only favour the prison especially for releases. No push back allowed from community probation. How dare we have concerns from the houses of staff shaggers of offenders (weekly convictions), spice deliveries and the illicit EE shops of illegal mobile phones. So much so that we were not rated by the MOJ, despite the gaslighting, £50 vouchers (rarely) and placating about how valued we are. We literally have to beg for a pay rise, but the prisons don't. That kind of tells you where the political agenda is. Oh, but community probation, you get on with reducing the prison population with zero investment, such as proper ETE intervention. 

We're just the poor stepchild of the MOJ. "An extraordinary job done by someone like you" but paid lip service to our supposed relevance. We're all now registered POs, but have less and less autonomy and respect and you wonder why people are disgruntled? Value comes from your own zeal and motivation but it also comes from being paid properly in a dignified manner that doesn't look protracted and undignified. They really don't care about us, other than to dump their warehoused offenders for the real work to commence. But we barely have any investment in the community to be effective. This is all by design. Circus, monkeys, fatigue. 

Stop making criminal justice policy by placating people who are too dim to know what a minimum tariff is. Social media is awash with stupid people, jerking knees and foaming at the mouth with a distastefully informed racism and xenophobia wherever they see someone convicted of a crime. It's why prisons have primacy.

Anon

Tuesday, 27 January 2026

Insulting Pay Offer

This from Napo yesterday:-

Probation Pay Offer for 2025-2026 finally received - Napo recommend rejection


Over a year has passed since the Probation trade unions submitted a joint pay claim for 2025-2026, and despite meetings with Government Ministers who failed to deliver on their promise to produce a pay offer by Christmas and after several subsequent complaints, pay negotiations between senior Probation management and the unions resumed last week after a totally inexcusable delay.

Following the conclusion of these, a formal pay offer was received which was immediately considered by your Probation Negotiating Committee (PNC). Napo is a member led union and the role of the PNC as a nationally elected body is to arrive at a recommendation based on the merits of the employers offer. Having done so, the PNC unanimously voted to advise our members to reject this pay offer.

Since then, preparations have been under way by all parties to prepare communications and it has been agreed that these would be issued today.

Employer's pay offer main points

The employer proposes:
  • A 4% increase to all pay points and bands
  • A 4% increase to the following allowances: London Weighting,Prison Supplement and Standby
  • Removing the minimum pay point of Band A to maintain a 5% difference between the maximum point Band 6
The employer will be issuing the full offer - with details of changes to the monetary value of all pay points - to all staff via the HMPPS Intranet - this afternoon.

Some reasons why you are being asked to reject the offer

It’s an insult
Following a disrespectful delay of over a year since the union claim was submitted, a 4% rise after years of inferior pay rises for Probation staff is an insult. The offer fails to come anywhere near to our original claim of 12% and doesn’t reflect the fact that Government Ministers have praised the huge efforts of Probation Staff in terms of their efforts to deliver Government initiatives, for example on numerous schemes to relieve prison overcrowding, in the midst of an ongoing workload crisis. It’s time that our pay should reflect that fact, and that our pay award should match the words of praise from Ministers and HMPPS senior managers.

Inadequate funding and failure to recognise the rise in the cost of living suffered by our members
This pay offer represents what HMPPS tell us were the results of discussions between HMPPS and other parts of Government (the Treasury and Cabinet Office), including the submission of a business case by the former to increase the total amount it can spend on it's wage bill. It is clear that this has produced a completely unsatisfactory outcome, with a pay offer that falls below the recorded inflation figure for all but one month of 2025. If Napo members reject this pay offer resoundingly the onus will be on the Government to produce an improved pay offer as a matter of urgency.

Comparison
The offer does nothing to move us to a position where our salaries are more comparable to those paid to the other staff working within the criminal justice system (including the Prison Service), local government and the wider Civil Service.

Who makes the decisions?
It's clear that despite the commitment of senior management negotiators, we are not in the room with those who make the final decisions on your pay. Even more reason for the Probation Service to be removed from HMPPS and the restrictions of the Civil Service Pay Remit.

Where's the money going?
The Government can seemingly find money to fund new Prisons and spend huge amounts of money on Electronic Monitoring to private companies unfit for purpose Additionally, we know that there has been an underspend of £100 million by the Probation service in this financial year. Why have we not seen any of it?

Reward and Recognition Schemes
Money that should have been made available to all staff is still squirreled away in schemes that in our view are liable to be operated unfairly and without appropriate transparency.

Geographical Allowances and Market Forces Supplements
The employer has refused to offer any movement whatsoever on the above.

Minimum wage implications
Members at the lowest pay point of Band 2 will, on the first of April 2026 yet again see their salary fall below the minimum wage on April 1st because of the inadequate rise to their payband in this pay offer.

What happens next?
We are finalising arrangements to hold an indicative electronic ballot of all full members of Napo (Probation England and Wales) next week.

Full details of the timetable and how to have your say on the 2025-2026 pay offer will be issued in the next few days, with current plans to launch the ballot next Wednesday (4th of February) with this running until the last week of the month. It is probable that the other Probation unions will consult their respective members over the same period. You are not being asked to vote on industrial action and your decision to accept or reject the pay offer will be personal to yourself. If the offer is rejected, then Napo is mandated to organise a separate statutory postal ballot where you will be asked to agree to take action and action short of strike action.

It is vitally important that you ensure that you have registered your preferred e-mail address on the Napo database and checked that we have your correct home postal address. 

If you know of any colleagues who are not a member of a trade union but who are considering joining Napo, it’s important to stress that only members of a trade union will be able to vote in an indicative ballot. All Napo members should do whatever they can to recruit new members as our greatest strength remains in numbers - further information will follow on the 'cut off' date by which new members joining will be able to vote in the ballot on this pay offer after it launches.

Branch meetings
It will be at the discretion of Branches to invite non-union members who may wish to become members of Napo so that they qualify for a vote in the indicative ballot. Branches are asked to avoid holding meetings at the same time as the National meetings listed above.

Napo will be issuing more information imminently in advance of the indicative ballot where you will be asked to vote No to the 2025-2026 pay offer, and you are also urged to take the opportunity to join one of the members meetings to raise questions.

Napo HQ

--oo00oo--

2025/26 probation pay offer confirmed

“In announcing the 2025/26 pay offer, I firstly want to acknowledge the time it has taken and thank you for your patience and understanding. I am also acutely aware that this prolonged process happened during a time of significant change and increased pressures on you. Your unwavering commitment to delivering vital services, supporting people on probation, and keeping communities safe represents the very best of public service.

Through concerted efforts and constructive negotiations, we have secured a headline pay award of 4% for 2025/26. In practice, the increase will be far more for many colleagues, following the pay progression paid in June 2025.

This is one of the most generous offers made in public sector pay, which goes well beyond the government's own guidance on how much public sector pay can increase this year.

We now want to help you to work out precisely what this award means for you. Today we’ve outlined the headline numbers, but this is just the start of our engagement with you on the offer. Your input matters. Please don’t miss the chance to understand the offer to make the right decision for you.”

Following the announcement that pay negotiations with trade unions resumed last week, we can confirm the details of our pay offer for probation staff.

What is the offer

The 2025/26 pay offer for all probation staff includes:
  • a headline uplift for all probation staff of 4%
  • a 4% increase to all cash allowances including London weighting
  • an average increase of 3.44% in pay progression paid in June last year to all eligible colleagues
With the 4% headline uplift and the increases to allowances plus pay progression, the total increase in the probation pay bill would be 6.3%, which is higher than many other public sector workforces. If agreed, the headline uplift will be backdated to April 2025 and you would then receive your uplifted and backdated pay as soon as possible, likely to be April 2026.

What does this mean for me

The 4% headline uplift will be in addition to progression payments made in June. Through progression, some colleagues have received increases of up to 4.8%, with an average increase across the 10 pay ranges of 3.44%.

This offer is among the biggest increases agreed across the public sector, including the Prison Service Pay Review body's recommendations for prison officers. It goes further than the Civil Service guidance that limits headline awards plus pay progression to 3.25%.

Taking into account pay progression paid in June 2025, and the additional headline uplift confirmed today, then the value of the increase to pay for probation as a whole is 6.3%.

You can find more detail on the impact of this offer on different grades in the pay tables below, including actual amounts and increased pay points. For example, a Band 4 probation officer now at pay point 2 of their pay grade would expect to receive an increase of £1,470 for their 2025/2026 pay award, in addition to any progression pay already received.

Weekly drop-in sessions will begin this Wednesday, 28 January, where you can hear more about this offer and ask questions (see below for sign up details).

--oo00oo--

Many will feel these responses from yesterday rather neatly sum things up:-

So after more than a year of deliberate delay, broken ministerial promises, and endless rhetoric about probation “doing the heavy lifting”, this is what lands: 4%. Not 12%. Not pay restoration. Not even inflation. Four per cent - after inflation has already eaten our wages, after workloads exploded, after risk escalated, after staff were told repeatedly that probation was critical to keeping prisons from collapse. NAPO’s unanimous rejection tells you everything you need to know. This isn’t a marginal disagreement. It’s a collective judgement that the offer is fundamentally unacceptable.

Let’s be clear about what this actually is:
  • A real-terms pay cut, following years of inferior awards
  • A confirmation that CBF was always intended to be rolled into and used to cap any future uplift
  • A pay offer that fails to match inflation, let alone restore losses
  • A settlement that leaves probation less competitive than prisons, local government and the wider Civil Service
  • An insult to experienced staff who received no CBF progression and carried the service anyway
  • And a political choice, not a financial necessity
The most damning line in the letter is this: “We are not in the room with those who make the final decisions.” 
Exactly. Probation staff are expected to absorb risk, violence, scrutiny and public blame while Treasury and Cabinet Office quietly decide we are not worth paying.

Meanwhile:
  • £700m is found for tagging
  • Billions are found for prisons
  • Private contractors remain funded despite being unfit for purpose
  • £100m sits underspent in probation
  • And staff at the bottom of Band 2 will fall below minimum wage again
This isn’t incompetence. It’s contempt. The service is being hollowed out, automated, deskilled and run on goodwill — and when staff finally ask to be paid properly, they’re told this is the best that can be done. It isn’t. This offer doesn’t stabilise probation. It accelerates its collapse. And anyone surprised by the anger that follows hasn’t been listening for the past decade.

******
A year’s delay, broken promises, and endless praise for “exceptional effort” and the outcome is 4%. That isn’t recognition. It’s a pay cut dressed up as an offer. Money can be found for prisons, tagging and private contractors, but not for the staff holding the system together. Even now, some will drop below minimum wage next year. That tells you exactly where probation sits in the hierarchy. NAPO's unanimous rejection says this clearly: this isn’t bad luck or fiscal reality it’s a political choice. And it confirms what many already know: probation is expected to absorb risk, blame and damage on the cheap.

******
4% is disgusting. Why wait 12 months only to offer us the exact same amount as prison were offered almost immediately? It demonstrates quite clearly where they see us in terms of priorities and value. All the waffle about Probation doing the heavy lifting and the extra stuff they asked from us, then give us such an insulting offer.

******

Let’s be clear about where we actually are, because the anger is justified but the process still matters. No one is voting on strike yet. This ballot is about accepting or rejecting the offer. If members reject it, Napo is then legally required to run a separate statutory ballot on industrial action (including action short of strike). That’s not weakness or delay, that’s the law.

What does matter right now is unity. The employer will happily watch us turn on each other – POMs vs COMs, prison vs community – because division does their job for them. This offer didn’t land because of colleagues in other roles. It landed because probation, as a whole, has been deprioritised for 15 years.

If you want to express your opposition:
  • Vote to reject.
  • Engage with the union consultation.
  • Challenge management narratives that call this a “good offer”.
  • Stop donating goodwill.
Arguing sideways only weakens the one bit of leverage we still have: collective rejection.

*****
So when the system decides a role is important, money appears quickly and without drama. JAC chairs get a 30% uplift “to reflect the demands of the role”. Judges receive 7%, then 6%, then 7% again, explicitly to protect recruitment and quality. Treasury objections melt away when the work is seen as valuable and the risk of failure is politically uncomfortable.

Probation doesn’t get that treatment. After a year of delay, we’re offered 4% — below inflation — while being told it’s “good value” and should be welcomed. That isn’t economics. It’s hierarchy. Some roles are protected. Others are expected to absorb decline quietly.

And this is exactly why the blue-on-blue arguments are a distraction. POMs, COMs, VLOs didn’t design this system or set these pay priorities. The contempt runs upwards, not sideways. Division just makes it easier to keep doing this to us again next year.

The message is simple and consistent: probation work is praised rhetorically, but priced as expendable. Until that contradiction is confronted collectively, the pattern won’t change and the figures already tell us everything we need to know.

******
This is exactly the sleight of hand people are calling out. CBF progression was already costed, agreed and paid in June under the existing three-year deal. It was not new money, not a concession, and not part of this year’s negotiation. Folding it back in now to inflate the headline figure is double-counting.

The only new money on the table for 2025/26 is the 4% headline uplift. Everything else being cited – the “average 6.3%”, the “generosity”, the comparison with other sectors – relies on re-labelling progression that staff had already earned and already received.

That’s why the offer feels dishonest. If the deal were genuinely 6.3%, it would be paid as 6.3% to everyone. It isn’t. For anyone at the top of their band, or anyone who didn’t receive progression, this is a flat 4% after a year-long delay, backdated and paid a year late.

Calling this one of the “most generous offers in the public sector” doesn’t make it so. It’s an accounting exercise designed to mask a below-inflation rise by recycling money that was never in dispute. And staff are right to be angry about it.

*****
This isn’t spin, it’s gaslighting. The only new money in this deal is the 4% headline uplift. Everything else being claimed – the “average 3.44%”, the “total 6.3%”, the talk of generosity is money already agreed, already costed and already paid last June under a previous deal. Recycling that progression to inflate the headline is double-counting. If this were really a 6.3% pay rise, everyone would be getting 6.3%. They aren’t. For anyone at the top of their band, this is just 4% after a year-long delay, below inflation and paid late. Staff aren’t angry because they don’t understand the maths, they’re angry because they do.

Monday, 26 January 2026

The Discussion Goes On 5

If Wales Is the blueprint, God help us when England follows, it’s genuinely head-in-hands stuff. The scale of denial on display needs saying out loud. Let’s not pretend otherwise. Wales and England are already operating from the same script, driven by the same senior culture, quietly agreeing the direction of travel behind closed doors and then rolling it out to staff with a familiar message: JFDI, make it work.

The plan itself is pure managerial theatre. It responds to inspection failings with process rather than honesty. Instead of tackling workload limits or making the system credible, we get more dashboards, more audits, more templates, and more “embedded expectations”. It assumes a service that simply does not exist: properly staffed, experienced, well-paid, and capable of absorbing endless new demands from prisons. What it actually does is provide cover for those at the top, while pushing the pressure further down onto a diminished frontline.

If we add the Sentencing Act to the mix, we are told this will supposedly help by strengthening community sentences. What it actually does is dump more work into the system with no additional resources to manage it. The much-trumpeted £700 million is not investment in people at all; it is overwhelmingly for electronic tagging. Surveillance replaces supervision. Technology replaces people. The service is not being strengthened; it is being automated.

At the same time, staff are left hanging on pay. The union has been talking about a pay rise for over a year. We were told something would be announced “this week”. The week is over and we have nothing. No figures. No clarity. Just more silence. Instead, we get propaganda and recruitment campaigns celebrating “extraordinary” work, as if heroics under impossible conditions are something to be applauded rather than urgently fixed. These campaigns expose how far the service has drifted and set up new recruits for failure. Extraordinary effort, goodwill, and a pat on the back for being a “hidden hero” has become a substitute for proper resourcing.

The reality on the ground is captured far more honestly in Guest Blog 107 and the Open Letter, which describe what still remains unanswered after serious assaults on staff. The response of metal detectors, body-cams, and self-defence kits, not proper security, not systemic change, not meaningful protection. Staff are left to manage themselves while being told this is “progress”. And if you really want to understand how far we’ve fallen, go back a decade and read Guest Blog 26: Advise, Assist and Befriend, in the first comment. Reading it now is painful. It describes a service rooted in relationships, humanity, and professional trust, one that believed in rehabilitation and social justice, not just enforcement and compliance. Compare that vision with where we are now: tagging, AI-assisted case recording, endless escalation, and dashboards. It beggars belief how far we have drifted and how little appetite there is at the top to admit it.

The most galling part is the cowardice of leadership. Senior figures enjoy the power of their little regional empires, but when it comes to standing up to ministers or the centre, they fold. They mouth concern, nod sympathetically, and then fall back into line. They do not stand for the service. They manage its decline while unions look the other way. People are tired of saying this again and again. Frontline staff have been shouting for years. The uncomfortable truth is that unless someone at the top is finally prepared to step out of line, to actually challenge government rather than absorb pressure and pass it on, nothing will change. It will just be more of the same. And we all know it.

Anon

*******
What’s happening is systematic hollowing-out. This model is not designed to improve probation. It is designed to make failure administratively survivable at the centre while pushing risk, blame and workload further down the line. Dashboards replace judgement. Templates replace thinking. Technology replaces people. When harm follows, it is “complex”, “unforeseeable”, and never owned.

We are being asked to deliver a service that no longer exists: safely, relationally, and professionally, without the time, staffing, pay, protection or authority required to do it. Workload is unmanageable by design. Pay is delayed by choice. Safety is addressed with pilots and optics, not action. Recruitment propaganda fills the gaps left by attrition rather than fixing the reasons people leave.

This isn’t confusion or poor implementation. It is deliberate. A system engineered to function on compliance, goodwill and silence until it breaks, then quietly replaces the people who broke with cheaper ones. Probation hasn’t lost its way. It’s been taken there. And unless those responsible stop hiding behind process and start owning the damage, this will not improve. It will only continue exactly as intended.

Anon

Thursday, 22 January 2026

The Ripple Effect

Thanks go to regular contributor 'Getafix for pointing us in the direstion of this video as part of the MoJ's recruitment drive:- 

Ministry of Justice ‘Ripples of Change’

House 337 unveils powerful film showcasing the extraordinary impact of Probation Officers - Emotive 360 campaign highlights the life-changing role of a HM Prison and Probation Service career


The main focal point of the campaign is the film, shot by Partizan’s Martin Stirling. Within the 30 secs the viewer follows a Probation Officer through their daily tasks; revealing how this important role can help transform lives, protect communities, and give people a second chance. Moving beyond traditional recruitment messaging, the campaign showcases the reality and the reward of working in probation – a role that requires emotional intelligence, resilience, and a genuine desire to make a difference.

Showcasing how Probation Officers work with individuals on their rehabilitation journey, managing risk, supporting positive change, and ultimately contributing to safer communities, the film captures how the role combines pastoral care with public protection, requiring both compassion and professional judgement, and highlighting the extraordinary impact that this role can have on a person, and the lives of their loved ones. Through authentic storytelling, we see the profound impact of this work from both sides; how Probation Officers find purpose and fulfillment while genuinely transforming the lives of those they support.

“Probation Officers do extraordinary work every single day, work that genuinely changes lives and protects our communities. But too many people don’t realise this role exists, or that they could do it themselves.” said Josh Green, CCO, House 337. “Our film shows the reality of the job: the challenges, the small wins, and the profound

sense of purpose that comes from helping someone turn their life around. We wanted to create something that would make career changers stop and think ‘I could do that. I want to do that.'”

Targeting career changers with life experience, the campaign specifically speaks to people aged 30-55 from sectors including health and social care, administration, education, customer service, and hospitality who are looking to change their careers, and who can bring valuable life experience and transferable skills to the role.

Unlike many public sector careers, Probation Officer roles don’t require specific qualifications, just the right personal qualities, including the ability to build relationships, communicate effectively, and stay calm under pressure.

James Evans, Deputy Director of Communications, Ministry of Justice said: 

“Probation Service roles are incredibly varied, reaching into every corner of the criminal justice system. This campaign celebrates the extraordinary work that takes place across probation every day – showing how seemingly small actions by staff can create real-world impact. One plan, one decision, one conversation can spark a ripple of change, beginning with an individual and extending outward to families, neighbourhoods and entire communities.”

The campaign launches with high-impact OOH placements in key locations across the UK, supported by the film and a provocative audio campaign- all designed to reach career changers at moments when they’re considering their next move. The creative approach emphasises aspiration while maintaining realism, showcasing the genuine impact of the role without glossing over its challenges.

Steve Hawthorne, Creative Director, House 337 said: 

“From speaking to people in the Probation Service we realised that the incredible impact they have starts with very small, human interactions. Honest conversations. Listening. Empathy. Skills that plenty of people have. The positive change then ripples out from there. Change for the offenders they work with and for the community at large. By showing this ripple effect and where it starts, we hope to show career changers that working in Probation offers the chance to make a real impact.”

Wednesday, 14 January 2026

There Is Another Way

It's good to see work continues to make the case for a different probation model and it must be hoped that Members of Parliament, the MoJ and HMPPS take careful note:-.  

Napo and WCCSJ set out a new vision for probation in Wales

Napo joined Welsh Government representatives and academic partners at the House of Lords to make the case for a standalone probation service for Wales separate from prisons, embedded in communities, and built around skilled professional relationships.


Welsh Minister Mark Drakeford was joined by Ella Rabaiotti, from the Welsh Centre for Crime and Social Justice (WCCSJ), and Napo’s Su McConnel, at a December meeting in the House of Lords focussed on the proposals to devolve Policing, Probation and Youth Justice.

Minister Drakeford gave an overview of the Welsh Government position and an update about developments in Youth Justice and Policing, before handing over to members of Wales Probation Development Group, part of WCCSJ. Ella Rabaiotti and Su McConnel presented a summary of a new model for probation in Wales. The recently published model builds on research and expertise outlined in earlier published papers “Towards a Devolved Probation Service in Wales”.

Su McConnel informed the meeting that the model of a Welsh Probation Service proposed in this publication would see “A standalone Probation Service, not within the civil service, and separate from Prisons, contributing to Welsh Government social policy and justice objectives. This Welsh Probation Service would be embedded in its communities, close to families and working with, and commissioning, local services and groups. It would impact on the prison crisis and reduce re-offending, be closely linked to courts, see increased restorative justice work, and foster relationships with the voluntary sector”

Former probation officer, Ella Rabaiotti, now a senior lecturer at Swansea University, emphasised the importance of highly skilled engagement between the probation practitioner and service user as central to reducing re-offending. “We know what works” she said, “and research confirms the centrality of a good professional relationship to potential success in Probation and in the absence of such a relationship, most if not all interventions would not be realised”

The small but influential group of Lords attending listened closely and asked searching questions.

Later, Mark Drakeford said “Many thanks to Baroness Ilora Finlay for calling together members of the House of Lords with an interest in the devolution of criminal justice to Wales, and particularly the probation service. The case for devolution is already made. What we are focused on now is demonstrating the positive difference devolution would make. Nowhere is that more evident that in the probation service. The House of Lords events brought together practitioners, academics and law-makers to affirm the case for a locally-based service, rooted in the courts and the communities which it can serve’.

Ella Rabaiotti said “ The Wales Probation Development Group remain keen to collaborate broadly, including with policy makers, probation allies, and particularly Napo members and probation practitioners to develop this model further”

Su McConnel commented “nothing proposed in our joint work with WCCSJ would not apply, broadly across England as well as Wales. The devolution debate allows us to reconsider models for a future Probation Service”

Friday, 9 January 2026

The Testimony Grows

Both of these comments underline something uncomfortable but unavoidable. What we’re describing here isn’t just burnout or disappointment, it’s prolonged exposure to organisational conditions that steadily strip people of agency, confidence and health. When staff talk about self-preservation, it’s because the system has normalised harm and then reframed leaving as personal weakness rather than a rational response.

The second comment is important because it shows how this damage travels downwards and sideways. SPOs and middle managers are left holding responsibility without support, absorbing HR functions, managing sickness, wellbeing and risk in an environment shaped by TR’s withdrawal of infrastructure. That doesn’t create reflective leadership, it creates containment and firefighting. People end up managing decline rather than developing staff or practice.

Taken together, these experiences point to the same conclusion: this isn’t about a lack of commitment or professionalism at any level. It’s about an organisation that has been redesigned to operate without adequate support, realistic capacity or genuine care for those expected to hold it together. In that context, leaving early isn’t abandonment of probation values, it’s often the last way people protect what’s left of them.

If this service is serious about retention, wellbeing and quality, it has to stop individualising harm and start owning the conditions that make self-preservation necessary in the first place.

*******
15 years in as a PO and could have written that myself. I felt it to my core reading that. I am at a crossroads. I have given so much of myself and so many unpaid hours over the years to do my best at work but feel like our purpose and meaning of our work is being eroded. Everything feels so much more transactional and box ticking. It feels like a culture of learned helplessness has been created since TR which is toxic. It feels like the message is as long as we skim over the cracks and make it look on paper like work is being done it’s like that’s good enough…. I’m not driven or motivated like that. I come to work to give my very best and as a result I am feeling increasingly disillusioned.

********
As an SPO, I recognise every part of this thread. The idea that middle managers are “leading” anything right now is largely a fiction. Many are firefighting, absorbing HR work, managing sickness, risk and performance with inadequate tools, and doing so under constant pressure to keep the machine moving. That doesn’t create reflective leadership, it creates containment.

What worries me most is the number of experienced staff describing resignation rather than anger. That’s the point at which people stop believing change is possible. When probation reaches a stage where committed practitioners either numb themselves or plan their exit, the damage is already done. No amount of rebranding, recruitment or process tweaking will fix that unless the organisation is willing to confront the conditions it has created and stop relying on individual sacrifice to mask systemic failure.

********
What’s being described here isn’t a morale problem, a bad year, or a failure of resilience. It’s managed decline. People are staying far longer than is healthy out of loyalty, guilt and professional identity, not because the organisation deserves it. Others are leaving quietly because they’ve reached the point where self-preservation is the only rational option left.

The most alarming thing in these comments isn’t the anger, it’s the resignation. That’s what develops when staff learn, over time, that raising concerns goes nowhere, formal processes protect hierarchy rather than truth, and commitment is rewarded with more pressure instead of support. At that point, people don’t fight the system; they disengage from it.

If probation leaders, managers or union representatives are reading this, the challenge is simple: stop explaining why things are hard and start responding to what is actually being said here. This isn’t noise, negativity or whingeing. It’s a detailed account of why experienced practitioners are switching off or walking away. If there is no credible, collective response to this, not another consultation, review or statement, then the silence will be taken for what it is: confirmation that decline is not an accident, but a choice.

********
Reading this as someone still working in the probation service, I can only say how deeply it lands. What you’ve written articulates what many of us feel but struggle to say out loud — partly because there never seems to be a safe or meaningful space to do so.Those of us who are still here haven’t stayed because things are fine. We’ve stayed because of the same loyalty you describe: to the work, to the people we supervise, and to the colleagues sitting beside us who are carrying the same impossible loads. Caring is still what gets us through the day — and, paradoxically, what is wearing us down.

The feeling of having no real choice is already familiar, even for those who haven’t yet left. Many of us recognise that slow narrowing of options: adapting, absorbing, keeping going, telling ourselves we can hold on a bit longer. We speak up where we can, often carefully, often repeatedly, and too often into a void. The language of wellbeing and support exists, but the reality is relentless pressure, shrinking professional space, and a growing gap between what probation claims to be and what it has become.

It matters that we acknowledge managers in this too, because from where l stand, they are as trapped as anyone. Many are trying to shield staff, meet impossible demands, and keep services afloat within systems they did not create and cannot fix. The strain runs right through the organisation, and it shows.

What is hardest is knowing that people are already weighing up exit not as a career move, but as self-preservation. That staying may eventually come at too high a cost — to health, family, and identity. I don’t see clear solutions either. From inside, it often feels as though the choices are limited to enduring harm or stepping away.

So please know this: your decision is understood. Your honesty matters. And to everyone still here — practitioners, managers, administrators — doing their best in a probation service that feels increasingly dysfunctional and, at times, abusive towards its own staff: you are seen. You are not failing. If you reach the point where leaving becomes the only option, that is not weakness. It is survival.

********
I didn’t choose this probation service. I chose a profession built on judgement, experience and human responsibility. What exists now is a hollowed-out system that extracts everything from staff while stripping them of voice, influence and protection.

Those of us who remain after decades aren’t here because we believe in the leadership or the direction of travel. We’re here because lives have been built around a career that no longer resembles what we entered - mortgages, children, geography, and the reality that walking away isn’t simple when your profession has been dismantled around you.

Risk has intensified, accountability has hardened, scrutiny has become punitive, yet professional autonomy has vanished. Experience is mined, not respected. Loyalty is demanded, not returned. Decisions are imposed by people who will never carry the consequences of them.

With hindsight, knowing what probation has been turned into, I would not choose this career again. This isn’t resilience or commitment. It’s containment. We are not a workforce being supported, we are numbers being managed until we break or disappear.

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"Risk has intensified" - primarily because the risk industry needed it to. And labelling theory works.

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That’s exactly it. Risk didn’t just increase, it was manufactured, expanded and monetised. Once risk became a product, it required constant inflation to justify tools, frameworks, audits, roles and oversight structures. Labelling theory does the rest: define people as permanently risky, then design systems that can never declare success. Practitioners are left carrying liability for risks that have been structurally exaggerated and procedurally impossible to manage. This isn’t public protection, it’s risk theatre, and staff are the expendable props.

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This legislation expands community sentences, suspended sentences and post-custodial supervision while saying virtually nothing about workforce capacity, professional skill, or risk ownership. In other words, the courts are being given more options and probation is being handed more responsibility, liability and scrutiny without any guarantee of time, staffing or professional autonomy to deliver it safely.

This isn’t reform; it’s displacement. Prison pressure is being pushed downstream into probation, where risk is already concentrated, caseloads are already unsafe, and accountability is already punitive. Every new requirement, condition or recall power lands on an officer who will be blamed if it fails but has no say in how it was designed.

If Parliament passes sentencing reform without legislating for caseload caps, professional standards and proper resourcing, then it isn’t strengthening community justice, it’s knowingly loading more risk onto a service that has been hollowed out for over a decade. And when it goes wrong, we already know who will carry the consequences.

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I attended a briefing this week about E-POP where those pops who are low or medium risk (with no active safeguarding or MAPPA) will complete online tick box reporting rather than face to face appts to alleviate appointments and improve capacity…. Another step away from developing actual relationships with those you supervise. I can see the value for those with standalone requirements but for the majority, especially those who have been subject to probation for years this will feel like the service is trying to shut the door on meaningful contact. SFOs are mainly perpetrated by medium ROSH offenders if I recall rightly so what’s the evidence base for this??? Risk is fluid - how can know if risk is escalating from someone ticking a few boxes which they decide!?

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When I started in probation in the 1980s we called the people we worked with clients of the service. It was respectful and no one questioned it was the appropriate thing to do. I shudder now everytime I hear pop although nothing wrong with person on probation. This happened on Sonia Flynn’s watch and the present CPO Kim Thornden Edward’s lacks the understanding and wherewithal to realise it is wrong to allow this to go on and do something. As for the RPDs a disreputable bunch of uselessness you could ever hope to encounter. I have even heard trade unionists use the acronym that I think is a shocking example of collusion with a demeaning and dehumanising practice. Stop referring to the people we work with as pops and simply call them people. That is after all what they are.

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The claim that this is a “once-in-a-generation opportunity” for probation doesn’t stand up when set against what was said to the Public Accounts Committee. The evidence given makes clear that senior officials have known for years about unsafe workloads, retention failure and a workforce model that no longer works. This is not a sudden moment of insight or ambition, it is overdue acknowledgement of problems that have been repeatedly raised and repeatedly ignored.What Parliament was told confirms what staff already know: probation has been running on deficit staffing, stretched capacity and goodwill for far too long. Dressing this up as transformation doesn’t change the reality. Recruitment promises, digital tools and legislative tweaks are being offered instead of the fundamentals the Committee was effectively probing for - workload caps, retention, professional confidence and stability.

If this really were a once-in-a-generation moment, the response to Parliament would include binding limits on caseloads, meaningful pay restoration and a clear commitment to rebuilding probation as a profession. Instead, we are hearing familiar language about efficiency, innovation and “doing more differently”, while the structural risks Parliament questioned remain unresolved. That isn’t renewal. It’s managed decline, repackaged and the people giving evidence won’t be the ones carrying the consequences on the frontline.

Monday, 5 January 2026

Self-preservation

"No Choice But to Leave” : When Self-Preservation Becomes the Only Option

I didn’t leave probation because I stopped caring. In fact, the hardest part of leaving was how much I still cared — about the work, the people on my caseload, and the colleagues I was leaving behind. But by the end, I genuinely felt I had no choice. Self-preservation wasn’t a preference; it was a last resort. The research article “No Choice But to Leave” captures something I recognise deeply. It describes probation staff who remain loyal to the vocational ideal of the service long after the organisation itself has become unliveable. That was certainly true for me.

Staying Longer Than Was Healthy

Like many others, I didn’t walk away at the first sign of difficulty. I stayed. I adapted. I absorbed more work, more pressure, more emotional strain. I tried to remain positive and constructive, even as workloads grew heavier and the space to do meaningful probation work shrank. I raised concerns. I offered solutions. I kept telling myself that things would improve, or that my experience and commitment could somehow make a difference. Over time, though, the cost became impossible to ignore. Exhaustion stopped being temporary and became my baseline. The research talks about constrained voice — that sense of speaking up without being heard. That resonates. It’s not that opportunities to speak don’t exist on paper; it’s that repeated attempts to engage are met with managerial language, structural inertia, or quiet deflection. Eventually, you stop believing your voice matters.

When Values No Longer Fit the System

One of the most painful aspects was the growing mismatch between what probation claims to be and how it often operates in practice. The vocational ideal — supporting people to change, exercising professional judgement, building relationships — increasingly clashed with a target-driven, bureaucratic reality. The legacy of Transforming Rehabilitation still hangs heavily over the service. Market-style thinking, excessive performance management, and administrative overload have reshaped probation in ways that erode professional identity. It becomes harder to recognise yourself in the role you’re doing. This creates an internal conflict: you’re still committed to the people you work with, but less and less able to do right by them.

Guilt, Loyalty, and Letting Go

Leaving brought relief, but it also brought guilt. I think that’s important to say out loud. I felt guilty about the colleagues I left behind — people I respected, people who were also struggling, people who would now carry even more weight because someone else had gone. That guilt is powerful, and it keeps many people in post far longer than they should stay. But I’ve come to understand something else too: I am not responsible for the conditions that drove me out. Those conditions were not of my making, and I exhausted myself trying to work within them, challenge them, and remain constructive until the very end. The research describes this as complicated loyalty — loyalty not to the organisation, but to the profession and to colleagues. It’s a loyalty that sustains commitment, but also masks systemic harm. At some point, staying becomes a form of self-neglect rather than solidarity.

Exit as Survival, Not Failure

When people talk about probation staff leaving, it’s often framed as a resilience problem or a retention issue. But “No Choice But to Leave” makes clear what many already know: exit is often a rational response to sustained harm. By the time I left, I wasn’t choosing between staying and going. I was choosing between continuing at significant cost to my health, or stepping away to protect myself. In that sense, it didn’t feel like a failure. It felt like survival.

What This Should Make Us Ask

If experienced, committed practitioners are reaching the point where self-preservation is their only option, then the problem is not individual weakness. It is organisational. People aren’t leaving because they don’t care. They’re leaving because caring has become too costly — and because staying any longer would mean losing themselves in the process. That should concern everyone. I think I have paid a high price for choosing probation as a career. Too high really, if I consider the impact on my family. I am still struggling with dealing with the impact of what I had to deal with. I regret now that I didn't leave earlier than I did. I know I am not alone.

Anon