Why Do Probation Officers Leave?

Once again warm thanks go to star contributor 'Getafix for pointing us in the direction of a recent piece of research by the Howard League:-

No Choice But to Leave’: Understanding Voluntary Resignations Amongst Probation Staff in England and Wales

It's a lengthy document worthy of reading in full, but as is often the case, it's the testimony that tells the story, so I've selected the following:-  

ABSTRACT

Probation staff attrition in England and Wales has been a cause for concern, yet there is limited research exploring why probation staff choose to leave. Utilising Walker, Annison and Beckett's ‘workplace harm’, and Robinson's ‘post-traumatic organisation’, this research addresses this gap through a survey (n = 47) and interviews (n = 4) with staff who have left the service. Themes identified were (1) identity and values, (2) emotional impact of the job and (3) organisational climate. The possibility of a return to the service is also explored, as well as implications for the organisation and retention of staff.

5 Discussion

The analysis of the qualitative responses within the open-ended survey data and interviews identified three core themes; values and identity, emotional impact of the job and organisational climate. In drawing out the themes from the data, the authors recognise parallels to literature related to emotional labour, workplace harm and organisational trauma. Thus, the process of analysis draws on this mirroring and considers the implications for the service, and for those considering a return to practice.

5.1 Theme 1: Values and Identity

As reflected in the academic literature on probation officer values and identity (Deering and Feilzer 2019; Mawby and Worrall 2013; Tidmarsh 2020), the participant responses demonstrated a strong work ethic and desire for practitioners to meet the needs of people on probation. Similar to findings from Cook et al. (2022) exploring social worker retention, being a practitioner was a defining characteristic of who they were. This was not simply a job, but rather, probation work and being a probation officer, was a core part of their identity. This was something that they took to future roles, as this interview participant describes:

But it definitely just still feels like I'm kind of part of that world. And definitely yes, part of my identity. I talk to people in my new role, and don't go in and say I was a Probation officer and talk about it, but it's kind of the experiences and the reflections that I have from it, it definitely forms part of me. (Anne, 03)

Further, being a probation officer permeated aspects of not just professional but personal development and growth:

I grew up in the service getting to know not only the service users I worked with, but of different agencies all whilst developing a wealth of skills I didn't know I had. I grew into the adult I am now with a strong set of professional and personal values underpinned by integrity and a belief that people deserve second chances… (Survey, 46)

The relational aspect of the work, with supervisory relationships built on trust (Dominey 2019), and the ability to overcome barriers to the therapeutic alliance and successful rehabilitation, were seen as core components of practice, bringing with it a sense of pride:

And that's, that's what I felt my forte was. I used to get it wrong a lot. But then to rebuild that professional working relationship with somebody, so we could get back on track again was what I used to pride myself in. (Ellie, 01)

This probation identity also featured as a factor linked to some participants’ ambivalence when making the decision to leave the service, with the commitment to the work evident:

Because I love the job Because I'm a great PO Because I'm passionate about protecting the public. (Survey, 17)

Of particular note, the probation identity extended beyond that of the individual to the identity shared with others, and similar to the ‘policing family’ (Charman 2024), comradery within teams and the sense of a shared purpose were reflected within the responses:

Loyalty-probation tribe identity. (Survey, 01)
Almost without exception, the staff are wonderful, talented, motivated professionals who give their best every day despite the system. I miss working with the clients, for the moments of humour as well as the slow, zigzagging process of positive change. (Survey, 24)

The emphasis on the importance of connections with colleagues as a means of coping with the emotional burden of the role can be seen in the literature (Phillips 2022) and may provide some further explanation for the significance of this shared identity and experience for participants. This strong identity and work ethic did, however, bring challenges to the role in the face of organisational changes that has seen tensions arise between practice and policy (Deering and Feilzer 2019). The moral distress (Mänttäri-van der Kuip 2020) created through the misalignment between practitioner core values and the perception of the changing organisational priorities was observed:

I felt that the organisation has changed to an extent that was no longer compatible with my personal beliefs and professional ethics. I came into the service to advise, assist and befriend but became a part of the system of oppression and focussed upon enforcement and compliance. (Survey, 08)

For those whose values and experience reflected an earlier social work ethos of the service, threats to their identity (Charman and Tyson 2023) emerged, with the ‘loss of valued aspects of professional identity’ (Conroy and O'Leary-Kelly 2014, 67) caused by changes in occupational structure which left them feeling devalued and disconnected from the organisation:

And I think that culture really permeates because you've got on the ground quite a lot of you know, dinosaur probation officers, maybe, including myself, that have been there a long time, but genuinely have a passion for what you're doing, which isn't actually valued anymore, because that doesn't achieve any goals for anyone. (Christine, 02)

For some, it was this change in value-base and identity of the organisation that was the catalyst for leaving the service, reflecting a sub-theme of ‘process over people’, where, akin to Coley's (2020) discussion, the perception was that probation leadership placed greater emphasis on performance management than relational work:

It felt increasingly that the aspects of the jo[b] that “oxygenated” me were being overwhelmed by the “carbon dioxide” of greater prescription, meaningless targets and Service preoccupation with process over content and engagement with core issues (principally, the clients!). (Survey, 30)

Furthermore, there was a notion from some respondents that this focus on process over people had led to a two-tier approach to the job, creating a divide between those who engaged with the process and those who engaged with people on probation, with the service failing to reflect the value of the latter:

I knew colleagues who did nothing at all, as long as they put crap in the computer. Yeah. They did nothing with the offenders. Someone like me who's crap at your IT but was great with your offenders, they were not interested. (Shelly, 04)

Of note, whilst the impact of TR is undisputed, the responses reflected a sense that the nature of the work, and what probation represented, had changed over a time that predated the TR reforms:

The first ten years were fabulous. The second ten years were tolerable. The last ten years were appalling. (Survey, 08)

The nature and pace of change are discussed further in the following theme; however, the structural changes to the probation service had a significant impact on practitioners' sense of identity. In discussing the rebranding of probation to ‘One HMPPS’ and central control under the civil service, Carr (2022) reflects on the need for probation voices to be heard. Participant responses highlighted this impact on probation identity and the issues experienced through the structural changes and perceived competing values:

But I think the problem is that probation and prison are two very different things. And, you know, when you come under the umbrella of HMPPS, it doesn't really identify that it is a very different beast than the prison service really. (Ellie, 01)

The division of the service into NPS and CRC was a seismic mis-step, but I felt there was enough of a kernel of ‘real’ probation work within the CRCs and we found a way to work together effectively. The reunification – or, rather, the forced absorption of the CRCs into the centralised, civil service NPS, was for me a highly destructive move that has lost the soul of probation work. (Survey, 24)

The perceived changing focus on probation values and the relentless organisational changes as cited by participants can be seen as attacks to probation identity and thus further examples of workplace harm. In terms of recruitment and retention, the findings highlight the strength of feeling and identity that staff held in the organisation, which could explain how staff have continued to work in difficult environments and sought to overcome and reconcile tensions between their personal and organisational values.

5.2 Theme 2: Emotional Impact of the Job

The emotional impact of the job is, perhaps, an unsurprising theme within the research findings given the evidence-base on emotional labour within probation literature (Phillips et al. 2020; Westaby et al. 2020), and the reports of staff experiences post-TR (Carr 2023; Tidmarsh 2020). However, the extent of the impact of this emotional harm highlighted within the findings should not be understated. The high workload within the organisation was frequently cited within the participant responses, and this went beyond a focus on the number of cases being held as can be seen in this example, when asked to describe their time working as a probation officer (12), one participant commented:

Horrific. I hadn't realised until I left how unhealthy and damaging the culture was/is. Excessive self-sacrifice is expected. The more skilled you are in the role the more complex and demanding work you are given, with no consideration to the psychological impact of such work at those volumes. (Survey, 11)

The impact of the role could be seen in both emotional and physical outcomes for the participants after leaving, as this participant highlighted when responding to the same question:

Mixed because I loved my colleagues but [it was] very stressful and I resented working really long hours to meet deadlines. Felt OASys deadlines had to be prioritised over one to one work. I was often physically unwell and since leaving I'm rarely unwell. I've linked it to the daily stress I experienced at time. (Survey, 22)

As Mawby and Worrall (2013) note ‘probation workers seek meaningful work and achieve job satisfaction through emotional labour’ (352), but it is these very values that can make staff vulnerable to burnout and the emotional toll of the work being undertaken (Tidmarsh 2020). A deterioration in well-being over time as the job, and expectations, changed could be seen within the responses:

Loved the first 12 yrs and would have worked there for free. Loathed the last 4 yrs – Depressing, stressful, no hope for a better future, no job satisfaction, needed to be a jack of all trades, too stretched to do anything properly. (Survey, 42)

Whilst the accounts of individual experiences within the service painted a picture of the high levels of stress that participants were experiencing, and the subsequent impact of this on emotional and physical well-being, the responses from participants when asked what the positive aspects of leaving the probation service had been (16) highlighted these effects more starkly. Responses included reflections on work–life balance, opportunities for flexible working, improved emotional well-being and a renewed sense of self and confidence. Aligned with well-being was the references made to sleep, with participants reflecting on how this had been impacted when in role, as can be seen in the responses from these two participants:

Peace of mind Time to sleep Little to no stress Gone is the Sunday night nausea and insomnia Gone is the underlying feeling that at any moment it's all going to implode and take me with it. (Survey, 02)

I feel like a weight has been lifted. I no longer spend Sunday nights worried about what I will face on Monday morning, or debating internally whether I should spend some of my precious Saturday catching up on absurd paperwork. (Survey, 24)

This response sums up the weight of what they left behind and the impact on their current well-being in a single, yet telling, word:

Rest. (Survey, 09)

These responses resonate with the earlier work of Walker et al. (2019), highlighting the scale of the impact on staff, and demonstrate the need for the service to be responsive to the needs of staff members at all levels of the service. As can be seen in the work of Millings et al. (2023), probation leaders are not immune to these challenges. It is well established that probation work is rooted in relationships (Tidmarsh 2020; Westaby et al. 2020), and Treisman (2018) argues that for organisations to be safe and trauma-informed, there needs to be a focus on the relational needs of staff members, promoting safety and connection.

The relentless and excessive nature of communication leading to change fatigue (Robinson and Burnett 2007) was also reflected in the responses, demonstrating the ‘pervasive and equally damaging form of systemic work-based harm’ (Walker et al. 2019) impact on emotional well-being and the exacerbation of the outcomes of the already demanding role:

Changes…and being bombarded with Teams/info. (Survey, 035)

…Unification was a huge challenge and left me exhausted and disillusioned. (Survey, 01)

The general concerns about ‘getting things wrong’, through either personal experiences or seeing the experiences of colleagues, presented an additional emotional tension within the role. These concerns were set against the backdrop of high profile serious further offences, such as Joseph McCann and Damien Bendall where probation failures were highlighted by HMIP reviews (2020a, 2023b) and amplified by media reports (Pidd 2023). As illustrated in the reviews and HMIP's thematic on probation recall culture (2020b), participants reflected legitimate concerns around internal blame cultures and accountability, with a fear of making mistakes, especially with the context of high workloads and inexperienced staff:

anytime anything went wrong that involve[d] someone on your caseload you were personally blamed and provided no support. Anytime I heard of a killing on the news I would panic feel anxious and eagerly search for their name to ensure that it was not a case known to me. (Survey, 43)

Treisman's (2018) work on organisational trauma can be well applied to probation work, given the emotional impact of the job, organisational restructuring, resource issues and ongoing scrutiny in the form of inspections and case reviews. Treisman (2018) highlights that there are higher risks of staff burnout in these organisations and also ‘can lead to an organisation itself becoming traumatised, unhealthy and distressed’ (Treisman 2018, 23).

When dealing with the emotional pressures of the job, it can be seen that this spilled into the private and family lives of individuals. The impact on others was also a sub-theme identified; with many respondents having caring responsibilities of some form, that they felt were affected:

Because it certainly impacted on my family and my relationships, not negatively but it did impact on them to the extent you have to say I'm sorry, but I can't deal with that. I just need to, I need to debrief because I've had a bad day. I just need to sit quietly for 5 minutes and have a cup of tea before I deal with that. Particularly if you've got children around. It's, you know, cutting yourself off, it's difficult. (Ellie, 01)

This is reflected in Phillips et al.’s (2021) paper exploring probation staff experiences of changes to working practices during the Covid-19 pandemic. It is important to note that whilst we are no longer in the midst of the pandemic, the need to adapt working practices during this time has led to ongoing changes in working practices. Whilst offering the potential for some greater flexibility, responses from participants reflected how changes to remote working practices also have the potential to blur professional and homelife boundaries (‘work–life spillover’; Phillips et al. 2021), as well as increasing perceptions of accessibility of staff outside of core working hours, and increased feelings of scrutiny. Furthermore, the absence of, and need for, appropriate psychological support to reflect the make-up of caseloads was identified in a number of responses:

Corrosive impact of working with sex offenders/those who perpetrate violence against women without appropriate psychological support. (Survey, 11).

The sub-themes identified demonstrate that the emotional needs for practitioners are multi-faceted, and this provides an opportunity for the organisation to be responsive to the cumulative workplace harms that practitioners experience.

5.3 Theme 3: Organisational Climate

Whilst organisational developments and the emotional impact of the job were core themes in the findings, a separate theme of ‘organisational climate’ was also identified which could be seen to exacerbate these issues, as well creating additional challenges for staff members. This also drew on the perceptions of leaders within the organisation.

5.3.1 Organisational Tensions

A number of tensions could be identified within the participant responses. For example, the following quote highlights the feeling that changes were being directed by individuals who did not have an understanding of the job:

And then of course the travel stopped then TR happened, the split happened which was very divisive, and we became civil servants, and then this overwhelming IT tsunami really, hit us. From people who really don't understand. If you're going to manage risk, you need to ask a lot of questions and you need to spend time. It isn't a tick box thing. (Ellie, 01)

For some of the participants, there was a distinct view about new managers (from both the CRCs and NPS), with the notion that they needed to ‘earn their stripes’ evident in some of the responses, as well as some suspicion about the credentials of staff who had previously being part of the CRCs. This may be representative of the organisational turmoil that has been experienced, whilst demonstrating the difficulties in embedding collegiality following unification, reflecting the findings of Millings et al. (2023) in the merging of perceived different probation service identities.

Within this theme, there was variation in the experiences as to the extent staff felt they had received support from different levels of the organisation; with concerns around the ‘top-down’ approach to structural changes:

… I thought my entire career would be with the service, navigating various specialisms or management roles as time went on. Instead the service has slowly and criminally been pushed beyond breaking point, chronic staffing issues resulting in dangerous mismanagement of people's lives both staff and service user alike. (survey, 46)

There was a sense that responses to the pandemic from some managers meant there was a feeling that colleagues were not ‘in this together’ and that the expectations placed upon practitioners were unrealistic. Within the responses, there were accounts of instances of abuse of power presented from some managers, as can be seen in the quote below about reasons for leaving:

Bullying, victimisation, harassment sexist behaviour from male manager. (Survey, 43)

Significant abuse of power was also reported within one of the interviews, and the quote below provides some insight into this individual's experiences within the team:

When exploring relationships: It was I mean, I worked harder than a lot of colleagues, but I knew what it meant to be a good officer. As a team, brilliant, supported, I mean I had my odd moments, experienced a bit of racism and stuff, but overall great experience. (Shelly, 04)

Here, the participant spoke quite candidly, almost casually, about their experiences of racism within the role. Within the responses, some reference was made to participants experiencing bullying, sexism and racism, reflecting issues faced by minority ethnic staff as illustrated in HMIP's Race equality in probation follow-up thematic (2023c). Whilst these were generally not presented as specific reasons for leaving, they provide further examples of workplace harm that these individuals had endured in their time in the service.

However, whilst there are concerning accounts within the responses it is important to balance this with an awareness of the similar pressures and tensions experienced by line managers, particularly in relation to organisational challenges. The HMIP thematic on The role of the senior probation officer (SPO) and management oversight in the Probation Service (2024) highlighted the broad span of workload duties detracting SPOs from providing effective support to practitioners. Despite this context, the responses did also report good managers, both immediate line managers but also those in more senior leadership positions that had a positive impact on the experiences of some of the participants:

You need to know that if you make a decision and you can evidence why you've made that decision, that you're going to have the backing, even if it's the wrong decision. You know, the best managers I've had have always backed me, front-facing to other people. And then behind the scenes, they've said to me. Come on, now ‘Ellie’, that wasn't really a right decision was it? (Ellie, 01)

This was particularly evident in relation to autonomy, and a sense that the managers were advocating for them.

5.3.2 Autonomy

Data from the interviews highlighted that there used to be a sense of autonomy within the role and that staff responded well to this. This enabled creativity in practice and a feeling that staff were responding to the needs of service users with a general sense of impact within the role. This is particularly important in probation work given the need for professional curiosity (Phillips et al. 2022) and the ‘high-stakes’ of decision-making. However, when asked about the level of impact staff felt that they had within the organisation, this was limited. Furthermore, there was a sense that the impact they had within the organisation had changed over time, as Christine (02) highlights:

the original leadership was much more open to I've got this idea, and I think it might be interesting. I think we should try it. I think they were really confident to say, well, that sounds a bit off the wall. But okay, go for it, you know. Try it.

The change in the lack of power is also reflected in this response from a survey participant when asked what the positive benefits of leaving the probation service were:

I no longer feel frustrated at the powerlessness that has been imposed upon qualified and trained personnel who were not allowed to do their jobs properly. (Survey 8)

The importance of empowerment, choice and collaboration can be seen within the core values of trauma-informed practice (Petrillo and Bradley 2022; Senker et al. 2023). At an organisational level, there should be opportunities to empower staff members:

and find ways to increase and maximise feelings, experiences and opportunities for mastery, agency, choice and voice. (Treisman 2018, p.52)

5.3.3 Progression Opportunities

Linking to opportunities for ‘mastery’, a recurring issue within the responses was a perception of a lack of progression opportunities available across all grades within the service, both through lack of availability of opportunities and blocking:

It wasn't only me that had raised about development. If it had just been me I wouldn't have raised it in the meeting, but it's kind of, other people are feeling quite…. there's lots of lateral moves in probation. If I was at [inaudible] if I wanted to go to court, if I wanted to go to prison, in theory they should be quite easy to be able to kind of make them. I think the reality of that is not what has happened. (Anne, 02)

This was seen within both the reasons for leaving, but also in what some of the participants reflected that they had gained from subsequent employment elsewhere. For example, some participants referred to the availability of opportunities within their new roles, and a sense of being valued and supported:

I feel appreciated in my role, supported and have a really good team, there's progression opportunities and I'm a lot more happier. (Survey, 31)

A lack of opportunities for progression and sense of being ‘locked in’ the role (Stengård et al. 2016), can be linked to the internal feelings of the individual; self-worth and confidence, as well as affecting the individuals sense of agency in relation to being able to move on from their situation.

Interestingly, the majority of participants (n = 20) went on to other ‘helping’ professions including the third sector, psychological services and the local authority. Others went into education and research (n = 9), policy-related roles (n = 5) and other businesses (n = 2). Some respondents were unemployed (n = 3) or had retired (n = 3), and the further employment of (n = 2) was unknown.

5.4 Return

In addition to the themes above looking at the experiences of probation practice and leaving, the research explored whether participants would consider a return to the service. Many (43%) of the responses showed an unwillingness to return:

I would not return to the service and have discouraged others from joining the service. The mistreatment of staff is reckless at best, if not by design. (Survey, 11)

However, seven participants (15%) indicated that they would consider a return to probation practice, and a further 20 (43%) indicated that this is something that they would ‘maybe’ consider. In exploring this, the satisfaction of the core work with people on probation was something that regularly came up when referring to the role, and the ambivalence to leave, suggesting this was still a pull to the job:

What a privilege it is that people let you into their lives. And that's a real privilege. And it's not one to be scoffed at and pooh poohed at. (Ellie, 01)

Responses also highlighted the highs of the job. It was clear that participants felt proud of the work they did and, for many, the choice to leave was a painful one. This may also give some insight into the reasons that staff still feel drawn to the service:

I didn't really want to leave but felt I had no choice: I loved the job when allowed to do it properly… (Survey, 02)

I didn't actually want to leave and even returned after a year, but due to the job being impossible to do I couldn't see myself staying. (Survey, 12)

Whilst the statistics regarding the potential for a return to the service could be seen to paint somewhat of a hopeful picture for future recruitment and retention, the qualitative responses highlight some priority areas that would benefit from consideration within these strategies. Responses reflected the current thinking of the need for a devolution of probation from the civil service and centralised control (Bowen 2024; HMIP, 2023a):

The current one HMPPS policy and civil service does not sit well with me… (Survey, 01)

Management would have to change. Probation would have to leave the civil service (bullying and incompetence have increased considerably since then) & be more separate from the prison service. (Survey, 21)

A further area that participants cited as needing to change was a shift from the blame culture that participants felt in relation to serious further offences as can be seen in this survey response:

The SFO process is punitive and unfair and as a Head of service I did not believe it was right. That would have to change. (Survey, 01)

Overall, participants noted the need for changes to a variety of aspects of the role, workload and their treatment from the organisation:

I retain a passion for what I believe to be the underpinning principles and purpose of Probation. However, I doubt I would return to an “offender” facing role and, more generally, could not return to the service until the current workload, funding and resource issues are significantly improved. (Survey, 16)

I would love to return as that role was fulfilling and is aligned with my values but I would only return if the pay matched the level of work we do and if there was a real change in the way staff are treated and the expectations are realistic and there are appropriate resources to enable staff to do their job. (Survey, 12)

These responses demonstrate how staff continue to hold their strong probation identity and values after they have left the service, and so it can be seen that there could be a real opportunity to encourage experienced officer's back to the role. However, the service would benefit from acknowledging the severity of the organisational harm that has been highlighted within the responses, drawing on trauma-informed values to promote organisational safety (Treisman 2018) and ensure that staff members feel valued.

For example, a failure to respond to staff who are considering leaving could be seen to impact on the extent that staff felt valued by the service. One participant indicated that this would be something that would need to change for them to consider a return to the service:

If the focus changed, there was a feeling from senior management that experienced officers were valuable and important. (Survey, 26)

Staff highlighting the way they felt unsupported and under-valued was also reflected within the interviews, when asked about whether participants had received an exit interview. At the time, exit interviews were not routinely done, and these would rarely be completed on a one-to-one basis. This also led to staff feeling like they had not had the opportunity to voice the reasons for leaving:

I got given a survey and I would have loved to have had an exit interview, because I had a lot of things to say. But yeah, no, I didn't have an actual exit interview, which I definitely would have liked. (Anne, 03)

No, I didn't get an exit interview. I got a form to fill in. I got another form that told me what I had to do if I, if I, found anything else, a conflict of interest and all this sort of blah, blah, blah, blah, blah. (Ellie, 01)

One of the interview participants did receive an exit interview; not directly from their line manager but from a more senior leader, offering more flexibility, but by this time it was too late and the decision had been made.

6 Conclusion

This study aimed to understand the factors contributing to the voluntary resignations of probation staff within England and Wales, with a view to support strategies for retention. The findings provide valuable insights on this under-researched area, identifying three key themes affecting decisions to leave. The perceived threat to practitioner and organisational values and identity has highlighted a concern that the probation service is being absorbed into other, more dominant, organisational cultures (e.g., Prison and Civil Service) overshadowing the core values of probation work. The emotional impact of the job has been discussed comprehensively in other scholars' work; however, this study underscores the significant role that this has in practitioner decisions to leave and, therefore, should be a priority focus for HMPPS. The final theme from the research, organisational climate, highlights that organisational tensions, a feeling of a lack of autonomy and a perceived lack of progression opportunities impact on practitioners' decisions to leave the organisation. Thus, attempts to address the issues of retention should focus on the investment in staff, creating an environment that encourages opportunities for progression, moving beyond short-term decisions that may only temporarily retain staff.

Findings from this study add to the existing literature and provide further evidence of ‘workplace harm’ and the situation of probation as a ‘post-traumatic organisation’. The findings also provide important insights into the impact of successive organisational change and the emotional toll it takes on practitioners. What is clear is that the changes as a result of TR are life-changing for the probation service; whilst the reforms occurred over a decade ago, its impact has been so damaging that despite unification the service has completely changed; through its structure, and leadership, with ongoing organisational changes as attempts to reconcile with what it once was.

With the government announcement of an additional 1000 trainee probation officers within the next year, it is important that the leadership does not lose sight of the problems associated with volume recruitment; the issues with an inexperienced workforce and the cyclical nature of mass recruitment and burn out. Valuing staff, providing support and enabling progression are all keys to assisting staff retention and help to combat work-based harm. Recent developments in attempting to understand staff attrition and focus on retention of staff demonstrate the need for the service to invest in, and support current staff. The findings of this research indicate that in doing so the organisation should embed awareness of organisational trauma, and promote safety, empowerment and voice for staff members, recognising the pervasive nature of the changes impacting them.

Positively, amongst leavers, probation identity is strong, with a number wanting to return to probation work. Perhaps some respite from the work allowed them to ‘recharge’, a point of learning for the service when considering the positive impact on retention support for staff development can have. This is an opportunity for the service, who, at the time of writing, launched a ‘National Probation Officer Returners Campaign’ (HMPPS 2024) recruitment campaign; however, this will not attract leavers if issues remain unresolved.