Monday, 5 October 2026

Guest Blog 112

Who is listening to who?

Prison overcrowding, probation capacity, tagging, victims, AI and being “tough on offenders” — there is so much to take on board that my head is going to explode. I have completed the e-learning and learned the “new ways of working”, but I’m not quite in the zone of “new probation” yet.

I have been reading this blog forever, and it has become a source of therapy and support. The last few weeks have become intense once again. The changes being imposed on the service have created a flurry of activity, both within and in the media. What saddens me is the apparent absence of real discussion within the profession. There does not seem to be any space where we can properly discuss the impact of these changes, talk openly about what they mean for practitioners and “punters”, or propose better ways of doing things.

I cannot help but hark back to the history of Advise, Assist and Befriend, which has been discussed so often on this blog, or the historic trust placed in probation officers. The difficulty is that we all know the journey that followed, through the degradation of probation qualifications, then NOMS, Trusts, privatisation, nationalisation, unification and reset.

I sometimes wish a real probation leader would appear, someone who could help light the way. I do not particularly care whether that is Napo, the Probation Institute or something else, as long as they genuinely speak for probation and create a credible space for the profession to have a reputable voice and future.

There are already many voices out there, calling for a return to social work, for the rehabilitation of probation and for actively renewing probation. There is discussion on hope, burnout and fatigue. Even questions about who should take responsibility for prison overcrowding, early release and the impact these pressures have on probation services.

The worry: When history looks back, will this decade’s response be any better than the last? We have objected to the implementation of parts of this latest sentence act, which is no different to the probation history I’ve already described. Even if we delve into extreme pre-history, when previous generations faced prison hulks, a notorious government response to prison overcrowding during the eighteenth century, or transportation to Australia. Whatever the outcome, we the people are the ones that live and work with the consequences.

Of course, nobody is suggesting sending anyone to the other side of the globe, well not unless the pint-swigging nasty party takes root, but the “tough on offenders” rhetoric remains the same. We need no reminder that there are practitioners, academics and pracademics doing important work to understand and protect our honourable profession. If anyone needs further convincing, a quick search of the Probation Institute reveals many; practitioners sharing experiences about how probation operates in the prison environment, practitioners sharing innovative approaches to working with young adults and creating toolkits, practitioners discussing how community service can work better, and multiple practitioners trying to help us better understand much of what we do.

For those working in leadership, policy units and workforce planning, finding and considering this kind of information is surely part of the job. The leaders and policymakers have good ideas, but if there are better ways of doing things it’ll be lost if we do not have a credible forum for discussion. We might even avoid remaining perpetually in crisis, simply by taking notice of the risks being identified?

The fear: If “they” can do away with the WMT, ignore the unpaid overtime and hold-up decent pay, then is there any hope they’ll listen to the practitioners? But do they want to listen to those who scrutinise the new changes, oppose a UK Corrections and Aftercare Service, and challenge reliance on dashboards and metrics? We need a probation service that listens to its workforce to meet its true aims, helping people lead offence-free lives, primarily focused on changing individual circumstances and behaviour for the better.

The problem is that this service has become very good at creating new policies, new models, and new ways of working, while becoming less good at listening to the people who have to make them work. There are practitioners across the country who understand what helps people change, what gets in the way, what creates unintended consequences, and what could be done differently. So the question is not what the future of probation should look like, but who should get to shape it. Because if nobody is listening to the practitioners, then what exactly are we reforming probation for?

I cannot answer this question, and none of us can. Ironically, as I got to the end of typing this post and switched from watching the Justice Minister on the news to an old black-and-white western, I heard a phrase that we could perhaps apply to every Justice Minister from Grayling to the present day:

“Never trust the eyes of a man running away.”

Anon

9 comments:

  1. hit the nail on the head — if we really want to improve probation, we need to start listening to the people actually doing the job.

    ReplyDelete
  2. Napo GS is on the telly again

    https://www.channel4.com/news/not-possible-to-tag-all-those-early-released-head-of-probation-officers-union

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. 4 Oct 2026
      Not possible to tag all those early released – head of probation officers union

      Ayshah Tull
      News Correspondent

      We spoke to Ian Lawrence, the general secretary of NAPO – the trade union for probation officers.

      We began by asking him what his members were seeing on the ground.

      Delete
  3. A good blog-piece & you have now become one of the many voices been amplified by this excellent blog, one of the many who have tried to speak up, to say something meaningful, to try to be heard.

    I must, however, take issue with the thought that "...this service has become very good at creating new policies, new models, and new ways of working..."

    The service/organisation/whitehall has been persistent in imposing new policies, models & ways of working, but there has been no creativity, no consultation & no positive outcomes. It has merely been decades of an unrelenting tsunami of instructions to do things that someone in a position of authority & opportunity thinks will improve their profile, sate their ambition, slake their thirst for the punishment of whoever is in their crosshairs on the day.

    They have all been instructions issued in spite of reasoned argument & proof positive they were not good ideas; and they have predictably & inevitably gone wrong, in the process costing the public purse a fortune & costing many people their freedom, their health, their livelihoods & more - in tragic cases it has cost them their lives.

    Meanwhile those who devised & implemented the policies received pats on the back, bonuses, promotions & imperial gongs.

    They can't & won't learn because the environment in which they they are nurtured is focused on their own ambition, wealth & success, NOT on the outcomes for others. It is irrelevant to them if the outcome is good or bad for others, its the outcome for their own situation that counts.

    And because its all about them there's not one iota of incentive to listen to you - or the many hundreds, thousands of voices telling them they're wrong?

    I return to the oft quoted example of OASys; a potentially great idea of a single meaningful risk assessment tool intended to replace the multifarious tools across the country, piloted by a handful of practitioners over a number of months in longhand form, reams of paper questionnaires compiled, complex statistical formulations completed, a gathering of those involved to feedback - and the outcome? The feedback was dismissed out of hand & the data gathered was used to prop up the model they had always intended it to be.

    And y'all know what a monstrous burden its become.

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. Exactly - because it's all about them and always will be.

      Delete
  4. “They” are really not good at creating policies. I cannot think of any that had much value. This blog is exactly how I feel though.

    ReplyDelete
  5. Maybe word is getting out.
    https://www.dailymail.com/news/article-16176599/Labours-early-release-scheme-poses-existential-risk.html

    ReplyDelete
  6. Perhaps we need to be much more precise about what we mean when we say “listen to practitioners”, because organisations are very good at demonstrating that they have listened.

    You can hold a focus group. Run a pilot. Send out a survey. Invite practitioner representatives onto a working group. Ask for feedback. Produce a “you said, we did” document. None of that necessarily means the people doing the work had any meaningful influence over the decision.

    Being heard is not the same as having influence.

    The real test comes when practitioners say something those designing the policy do not want to hear.

    What happens when the feedback is: this will create more work, not less? This process doesn’t reflect how risk actually presents itself. This timescale is unrealistic. This will reduce meaningful contact. This system duplicates something we already do. This supposedly efficient process will take longer in practice. This person cannot safely be supervised according to the package the model has assigned them.

    Can the policy actually change?

    If the answer is no, then what took place wasn’t consultation in any meaningful sense. It was implementation with an audience.

    And there is a particular absurdity in probation because the organisation supposedly values professional judgement. Practitioners are trusted to assess domestic abuse, safeguarding, sexual offending, serious violence, suicide risk and the possibility that somebody may cause serious harm. They make recommendations affecting liberty and take decisions that may later be dissected line by line after an SFO.

    Yet when those same professionals say, collectively, “this system is making it harder for us to manage those risks properly”, their professional judgement suddenly seems considerably less interesting.

    That is the contradiction I would like somebody in HMPPS leadership to explain.

    There is also an enormous reservoir of knowledge sitting inside probation that rarely appears on a dashboard. Experienced practitioners know which processes work beautifully on paper and fall apart in practice. They know which information is genuinely useful and which merely creates recording. They know where cases get stuck between agencies. They know which interventions engage people and which exist largely because somebody commissioned them. They know where the dangerous gaps are because they spend their working lives navigating around them.

    In almost any other safety-critical organisation, systematically ignoring that kind of frontline intelligence would be recognised as an organisational risk.

    So perhaps the question isn’t simply “who is listening to practitioners?”

    It is:

    What power does the practitioner voice actually have when what practitioners are saying conflicts with what the organisation has already decided to do?

    Until there is a convincing answer to that, another engagement exercise isn’t the solution.

    It is part of the problem.

    ReplyDelete
  7. "What power does the practitioner voice actually have when what practitioners are saying conflicts with what the organisation has already decided to do?"

    None whatsoever. Certainly not in 21st Century Britain.

    The power lies with a handful of career politicians, their unelected, well-paid advisors & the civil service lieutenants who enact the wishes of government.

    When probation areas were more or less autonomous & funded jointly by Home Office/Local Authority budgets, they also had an organisational structure that was (with very few exceptions) grounded in probation practice. The benefits of that structure were generally felt throughout the organisation as the focus was on 'good practice' rather than personal ambition, with regular input & consultation locally about how to improve or amend practice.

    The pinnacle of probation leadership was to be a Chief Officer of an area - none of this being seconded to 'the centre' or transferring to senior civil service grades nonsense - which usually lasted to the end of a healthy career with a gong to say thank you.

    If I recall correctly a former Chief in Notts (Colin Edwards?) was the first CPO to be excluded from the honours list - perhaps because he spoke out about the centrally devised changes being imposed upon his service? He was replaced with a what many saw as a home office appointed stooge intended to sort out the area but who, after some time in post, 'went native' & courageously stood up for the staff in Notts:

    http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/nottinghamshire/3566887.stm

    "David Hancock, chief officer of Nottinghamshire Probation Area, said he took full responsibility for failures of his staff and confirmed he has made a personal apology to Mrs Walker.
    But he confirmed that no disciplinary action has been taken against staff who failed to act on Parfitt's repeated breaches of his licence."

    Plus he ended up co-authoring 'The Dictionary of Probation and Offender Management' with Rob Canton - "Contemporary probation practice is developing rapidly and is become increasingly professionalized. Probation officers are typically described now as offender managers, and the creation of NOMS (National Offender Management Service) has broadened the remit of the Probation Service."

    I'm not sure if Hancock was excluded from honours or not. Wouldn't surprise me.

    So it seems that since the move to centralise control in whitehall (probably mid-1990s on) the voice of the mere practitioner at the end of the foodchain has been silent, regardless of how loud the voice or relevant the words.

    Even the current national Chief Officer has no voice, whoever she is & wherever she's being held hostage, on £175,000 a year.

    As for special advisors (spads) to ministers, a recent parliamentary question received the following answer:

    "A breakdown of how many special advisers are in post by department will be published in the Annual Report on Special Advisers next summer."

    So the unelected, politically-motivated & powerfully persuasive echo-chamber advisors are appointed directly by ministers & paid handsomely from the public purse - but we're not allowed to know who they are... yet.

    Institute for Govt: "Cabinet ministers hire their special advisers, but the prime minister approves all appointments... There is no set process for recruiting spads. Some will have worked for the political party as an adviser while others will have been recruited through word of mouth. Special adviser roles are not normally advertised... there was a record number of 159 spads working for Keir Starmer's government in March 2026... The total cost of special adviser salaries, pension contributions and severance costs 2025/26 financial year was £17.9 million."

    ReplyDelete